[Marxism-Thaxis] Finance Capitalism Hits a Wall
Charles Brown Wed, 04 Mar 2009 18:27:37 -0800
https://www.mail-archive.com/marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu/msg06684.html
Finance Capitalism Hits a Wall
The Oligarchs' Escape Plan
By MICHAEL HUDSON
The financial “wealth creation” game is over. Economies
emerged from World War II relatively free of debt, but the 60-year global
run-up has run its course. Finance capitalism is in a state of collapse, and
marginal
palliatives cannot revive it. The U.S. economy cannot “inflate its way out of
debt,” because this would collapse the dollar and end its dreams of global
empire by
forcing foreign countries to go their own way. There is too little
manufacturing to make the economy more “competitive,” given its high housing
costs, transportation,
debt and tax overhead. A quarter to a third of U.S. real estate has fallen
into negative equity, so no banks will lend to them. The economy has hit a debt
wall and is
falling into negative equity, where it may remain for as far as the eye can
see until there is a debt write-down.
Mr. Obama’s “recovery” plan, based on infrastructure spending, will
make real estate fortunes for well-situated properties along the new public
transport routes, but there is no sign of cities levying a windfall property
tax to save their finances.
Their mayors would rather keep the cities broke than to tax real estate and
finance. The aim is to re-inflate property markets to enable owners to pay the
banks, not to help
the public sector break even. So state and local pension plans will remain
underfunded while more corporate pension plans go broke.
One would think that politicians would be willing to do the math and realize
that debts that can’t be paid, won’t be. But the debts are being kept on the
books, continuing to extract interest to pay the creditors that have made the
bad loans. The resulting
debt deflation threatens to keep the economy in depression until a radical
shift in policy occurs – a shift to save the “real” economy, not just the
financial sector and the wealthiest
10 per cent of American families.
There is no sign that Mr. Obama’s economic advisors, Treasury officials
and heads of the relevant Congressional committees recognize the need for a
write-down. After all, they have been placed in their positions precisely
because they do not
understand that debt leveraging is a form of economic overhead, not real
“wealth creation.” But their tunnel vision is what makes them “reliable” to
Wall Street, which doesn’t
like surprises. And the entire character of today’s financial crisis continues
to be labeled “surprising” and “unexpected” by the press as each new
surprisingly pessimistic statistic
hits the news. It’s safe to be surprised; suspicious to have expected bad news
and being a “premature doomsayer.” One must have faith in the system above all.
And the system
was the Greenspan Bubble. That is why “Ayn Rand Alan” was put in charge in the
first place, after all.
So the government tries to recover the happy Bubble Economy years by getting
debt growing again, hoping to re-inflate real estate and stock market prices.
That was, after all,
the Golden Age of finance capital’s world of using debt leverage to bid up the
book-price of fictitious capital assets. Everyone loved it as long as it
lasted. Voters thought
they had a chance to become millionaires, and approved happily. And at least it
made Wall Street richer than ever before – while almost doubling the share of
wealth held
by the wealthiest 1 per cent of America’s families. For Washington policy
makers, they are synonymous with “the economy” – at least the economy for which
national economic policy is being formulated these days.
The Obama-Geithner plan to restart the Bubble Economy’s debt
growth so as to inflate asset prices by enough to pay off the debt overhang out
of new “capital gains” cannot possibly work. But that is the only trick these
ponies know.
We have entered an era of asset-price deflation, not inflation. Economic data
charts throughout the world have hit a wall and every trend has been plunging
vertically downward
since last autumn. U.S. consumer prices experienced their fastest plunge since
the Great Depression of the 1930s, along with consumer “confidence,”
international shipping,
real estate and stock market prices, oil and the exchange rate for British
sterling. The global economy is falling into depression, and cannot recover
until debts are written down.
Instead of doing this, the government is doing just the opposite. It
is proposing to take bad debts onto the public-sector balance sheet, printing
new Treasury bonds give the banks – bonds whose interest charges will have to
be paid by taxing labor and industry.
The oligarchy’s plans for a bailout (at least of its own financial position)
In periods of looming collapse, wealthy elites protect their funds.
In times past they bought gold when currencies started to weaken. (Patriotism
never has been a characteristic of cosmopolitan finance capital.) Since the
1950s the
International Monetary Fund has made loans to support Third World exchange
rates long enough to subsidize capital flight. In the United States over the
past half-year,
bankers and Wall Street investors have tapped the Treasury and Federal Reserve
to support prices of their bad loans and financial gambles, buying out or
guaranteeing $12 trillion of these junk debts. Protection for the U.S.
financial elite thus takes the form of domestic
public debt, not foreign currency.
It is all in vain as far as the real economy is concerned. When the Treasury
gives banks newly printed government bonds in “cash for trash” swaps, it leaves
today’s unpayably
high private-sector debt in place. All that happens is that this debt is now
owed to (or guaranteed by) the government, which will have to impose taxes to
pay the interest charges.
The new twist is a variant on the IMF “stabilization” plans that lend
money to central banks to support their currencies – for long enough to enable
local oligarchs and foreign investors to move their savings and investments
offshore at a good
exchange rate. The currency then is permitted to collapse, enabling currency
speculators to rake in enough gains to empty out the central bank’s reserves.
Speculators
view these central bank holdings as a target to be raided – the larger the
better. The IMF will lend a central bank, say, $10 billion to “support the
currency.” Domestic holders
will flee the currency at a high exchange rate. Then, when the loan proceeds
are depleted, the currency plunges. Wages are squeezed in the usual IMF
austerity program,
and the economy is forced to earn enough foreign exchange to pay back the IMF.
As a condition for getting this kind of IMF “support,” governments are told to
run a budget surplus, cut back social spending, lower wages and raise taxes on
labor so as to
squeeze out enough exports to repay the IMF loans. But inasmuch as this kind
“stabilization plan” cripples their domestic economy, they are obliged to sell
off public
infrastructure at distress prices – to foreign buyers who themselves borrow
the money. The effect is to make such countries even more dependent on less
“neoliberalized”
economies.
Latvia is a poster child for this kind of disaster. Its recent agreement with
Europe is a case in point. To help the Swedish banks withdraw their funds from
the sinking ship,
EU support is conditional on Latvia’s government agreeing to cut salaries in
the private sector – and not to raise property taxes (currently almost zero).
The problem is that Latvia, like other post-Soviet economies, has
scant domestic output to export. Industry throughout the former Soviet Union
was torn up and scrapped in the 1990s. (Welcome to victorious finance
capitalism, Western-style.)
What they had was real estate and public infrastructure free of debt – and
hence, available to be pledged as collateral for loans to finance their
imports. Ever since its independence
from Russia in 1991, Latvia has paid for its imported consumer goods and other
purchases by borrowing mortgage credit in foreign currency from Scandinavian
and other banks. The effect has been one of the world’s biggest property
bubbles – in an economy with no means of
breaking even except by loading down its real estate with more and more debt.
In practice the loans took the form of mortgage borrowing from foreign banks to
finance a real
estate bubble – and their import dependency on foreign suppliers.
So instead of helping it and other post-Soviet nations develop self-reliant
economies, the West has viewed them as economic oysters to be broken up to
indebt them in
order to extract interest charges and capital gains, leaving them empty shells.
This policy crested on January 26, 2009, when Joaquin Almunia of the European
Commission
wrote a letter to Latvia’s Prime Minister spelling out the terms on which
Europe will bail out the Swedish and other foreign banks operating in Latvia –
at Latvia’s own expense:
Extended assistance is to be used to avoid a balance of payments crisis,
which requires … restoring confidence in the banking sector [now entirely
foreign owned], and bolstering the foreign reserves of the Bank of Latvia. This
implies financing …
outstanding government debt repayments (domestic and external). And if the
banking sector were to experience adverse events, part of the assistance would
be used for
targeted capital infusions or appropriate short-term liquidity support.
However, financial assistance is not meant to be used to originate new loans to
businesses and households. …
… it is important not to raise ungrounded expectations among the
general public and the social partners, and, equally, to counter
misunderstandings that may arise in this respect. Worryingly, we have witnessed
some recent evidence in
Latvian public debate of calls for part of the financial assistance to be used
inter alia for promoting export industries or to stimulate the economy through
increased spending
at large. It is important actively to stem these misperceptions.
Riots broke out last week, and protesters stormed the Latvian Treasury. Hardly
surprising! There is no attempt to help Latvia develop the export capacity to
cover its imports.
After the domestic kleptocrats, foreign banks and investors have removed their
funds from the economy, the Latvian lat will be permitted to depreciate.
Foreign buyers then
can come in and pick up local assets on the cheap once again.
The practice of European banks riding the crest of the post-Soviet real estate
bubble is backfiring to wreck the European economies that have engaged in this
predatory
lending to neighboring economies as well. As one reporter has summarized:
In Poland 60 percent of mortgages are in Swiss francs. The zloty has just
halved against the franc. Hungary, the Balkans, the Baltics, and Ukraine are
all suffering variants
of this story. As an act of collective folly – by lenders and borrowers – it
matches America’s sub-prime debacle. There is a crucial difference, however.
European banks are
on the hook for both. US banks are not. Almost all East bloc debts are owed to
West Europe, especially Austrian, Swedish, Greek, Italian, and Belgian banks.
This was the West’s alternative to Stalinism. It did not help these countries
emulate how Britain and America got rich by protectionist policies and
publicly nurtured industrialization and infrastructure spending. Rather, the
financial rape and industrial
dismantling of the former Soviet economies was the most recent exercise in
Western colonialism. At least U.S. investors were smart enough to stand clear
and merely ride the stock market run-up before jumping ship.
But now, the government’s plan to “save” the economy is to “save the banks,”
along similar lines to the West trying to save its banks from their adventure
in the post-Soviet economies. This is the basic neoliberal economic plan, after
all. The U.S.
economy is about to be “post-Sovietized.”
The U.S. giveaway to banks, masquerading as “help for troubled homeowners”
The Obama bank bailout is arranged much like an IMF loan to support the
exchange rate of foreign currency, but with the Treasury supporting financial
asset prices for U.S. banks and other financial institutions. Instead of banks
and oligarchs abandoning the
dollar, the aim is to enable them to dump their bad mortgages and CDOs and get
domestic Treasury bonds. Private-sector debt will be moved onto the U.S.
Government balance
sheet, where “taxpayers” will bear losses – mainly labor not Wall Street,
inasmuch as the financial sector has been freed of income-tax liability by the
“small print” in last fall’s Paulson-Bush bailout package. But at least the
U.S. Government is handling the situation entirely
in domestic dollars.
As in Third World austerity programs, the effect of keeping the debts in place
at the “real” economy’s expense will be to shrink the domestic U.S. market –
while providing
opportunities for hedge funds to pick up depreciated assets cheaply as the
federal government, states and cities sell them off. This is called letting the
banks “earn their way out
of debt.” It’s strangling the “real” economy, because not a dollar of the
government’s response has been devoted to reducing the overall debt volume.
Take the much-vaunted $50 billion program designed to renegotiate mortgages
downward for “troubled homeowners.” Upon closer examination it turns out that
the real
beneficiaries are the giant leading banks such as Citibank and Bank of America
that have made the bad loans. The Treasury will take on the bad debt that banks
are stuck with,
and will permit mortgagees to renegotiate their monthly payment down to 38 per
cent of their income. But rather than the banks taking the loss as they should
do for over-lending,
the Treasury itself will make up the difference – and pay it to the banks so
that they will be able to get what they hoped to get. The hapless
mortgage-burdened family stuck in
their negative-equity home turns out to be merely a passive vehicle for the
Treasury to pass debt relief on to the commercial banks.
Few news stories have made this clear, but the Financial Times spelled the
details buried in small print. It added that the Treasury has not yet decided
whether to write down the debt principal for the estimated 15 million families
with negative equity
(and perhaps 30 million by this time next year as property prices continue to
plunge). No doubt a similar deal will be made: For every $100,000 of write-down
in debt owed by
over-mortgaged homeowners, the bank will receive $100,000 from the Treasury.
Government debt will rise by $100,000, and the process will continue until the
Treasury has transferred $50,000,000 to the banks that made the reckless loans.
There is enough for just 500,000 of these renegotiations of $100,000
each. It may seem like a big amount, but it’s only about 1/30th of the
properties underwater. Hardly enough to make much of a dent, but the principle
has been put in place
for many further bailouts. It will take almost an infinity of them, as long as
the Treasury tries to support the fiction that “the miracle of compound
interest” can be sustained for
long. The economy may be dead by the time saner economic understanding
penetrates the public consciousness.
In the mean time, bad private-sector debt will be shifted onto the government’s
balance sheet. Interest and amortization currently owed to the banks will be
replaced by
obligations to the U.S. Treasury. Taxes will be levied to make up the bad debts
with which the government is stuck. The “real” economy will pay Wall Street –
and
will be paying for decades!
Calling the $12 trillion giveaway to bankers a “subprime crisis” makes it
appear that bleeding-heart liberals got Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac into trouble
by insisting that
these public-private institutions make irresponsible loans to the poor. The
party line is, “Blame the victim.” But we know this is false. The bulk of bad
loans are concentrated in the largest banks. It was Countrywide and other
banksters that led the irresponsible lending and
brought heavy-handed pressure on Fannie Mae. Most of the nation’s smaller,
local banks didn’t make such reckless loans. The big mortgage shops didn’t care
about loan quality, because they were run by salesmen. The Treasury is paying
off the gamblers and billionaires by
supporting the value of bank loans, investments and derivative gambles, leaving
the Treasury in debt.
U.S./Post-Soviet Convergence?
It may be time to look once again at what Larry Summers and his
Rubinomics gang did in Russia in the mid-1990s and to Third World countries
during his tenure as World Bank economist to see what kind of future is being
planned for the U.S.
economy over the next few years. Throughout the Soviet Union the neoliberal
model established “equilibrium” in a way that involved demographic collapse:
shortening
life spans, lower birth rates, alcoholism and drug abuse, psychological
depression, suicides, bad health, unemployment and homelessness for the elderly
(the neoliberal mode of Social Security reform).
Back in the 1970s, people speculated whether the US and Soviet
economies were converging. Throughout the 20th century, of course, everyone
expected government regulation, infrastructure investment and planning to
increase. It looked like the spread of democratically elected governments would
go hand in hand with people voting in their
own economic interest to raise living standards, thereby closing the inequality
gap.
This is not the kind of convergence that has occurred since 1991.
Government power is being dismantled, living standards have stagnated and
wealth is concentrating at the top of the economic pyramid. Economic planning
and resource allocation has passed into the hands of Wall Street, whose
alternative to Hayek’s “road to serfdom” is debt
peonage for the economy at large. There does need to be a strong state, to be
sure, to keep the financial and real estate rentier power in place. But the
West’s alternative to the old Soviet bureaucracy is a financial planning. In
place of a political overhead, we have a financial and
real estate overhead.
Stalinist Russia and Maoist China achieved high technology without land-rent,
monopoly rent and interest overhead. This purging of rentier income was the
historical task of
classical political economy, and it became that of socialism. The aim was to
create a Clean Slate financially, bringing prices in line with technologically
necessary costs of
production. The aim was to provide everyone with the fruits of their labor
rather than letting banks and landlords siphon off the economic surplus.
Ideas of economic efficiency and “wealth creation” today are an utterly
different kind of liberalism and “free markets.” Commercial banks lend money
not to increase production
but to inflate asset prices. Some 70 per cent of bank loans are mortgage loans
for real estate, and most of the rest is for corporate takeovers and raids, to
finance stock buy-backs
or simply to pay dividends. Asset-price inflation obliges people to go deeper
into debt than ever before to obtain access to housing, education and medical
care. The economy is being “financialized,” not industrialized. This has been
the plan as much for the post-Soviet states
as for North America, Western Europe and the Third World.
But we are far from having reached the end of the line. Celebrations that our
present financialized economy represents the “end of history” are laughingly
premature. Today’s
policies look more like a dead end. But that does not mean that, like the
Roman Empire, they won’t lead us down toward a new Dark Age. That’s what tends
to happen when
oligarchies do the planning.
Is America a Failed Economy?
It may be time to ask whether neoliberal pro-rentier economics has turned
America and the West into a Faile
turned
America and the West into a Failed Economy. Is there really no alternative?
Have the neoliberals made the
shift of planning from governments to the financial oligarchy irreversible?
Let’s first dispose of the “foundation myth” of the idea still guiding the
United States and Europe. Free-market economists pretend that prices can be
brought into line most efficiently
with technologically necessary costs of production under capitalism, and
indeed, under finance capitalism. The banks and stock market are supposed to
allocate resources
most efficiency. That at least is the dream of self-regulating markets. But
today it looks like only a myth, public relations patter talk to get a
generation of increasingly indebted voters not to act in their own
self-interest.
Industrial capitalism always has been a hybrid, a symbiosis with its feudal
legacy of absentee property ownership, oligarchic finance and public debts
rather than the government acting as net creditor. The essence of feudalism was
extractive, not productive.
That is why it created industrial capitalism as state policy in the first place
– if only to increase its war-making powers. But the question must now be
raised as to whether only
socialism can complete the historical task that classical political economy set
out for itself – the ideal that futurists in the 19th and 20th centuries
believed that an unpurified capitalism might still be able bring about without
shedding its legacy of commercial banking indebting property
and carving infrastructure out of the public domain.
Today it is easier to see that the Western economies cannot go on the way they
have been. They have reached the point where the debts exceed the ability to
pay. Instead of
recognizing this fact and scaling debts back into line with the ability to pay,
the Obama-Geithner plan is to bail out the big banks and hedge funds, keeping
the volume of debt in
place and indeed, growing once again through the “magic of compound interest.”
The result can only be an increasingly extractive economy, until households,
real estate and
industrial companies, states and cities, and the national government itself is
driven into debt peonage.
The alternative is a century and a half old, and emerged out of the ideals of
the classical economic doctrines of Adam Smith, David Ricardo, John Stuart
Mill, and the last
great classical economist, Marx. Their common denominator was to view rent and
interest are extractive, not productive. Classical political economy and its
successor Progressive Era socialism sought to nationalize the land (or at least
to fully tax its rent as the fiscal base).
Governments were to create their own credit, not leave this function to wealthy
elites via a bank monopoly on credit creation. So today’s neoliberalism paints
a false picture of what the classical economists envisioned as free markets.
They were markets free of
economic rent and interest (and taxes to support an aristocracy or oligarchy).
Socialism was to free economies from these overhead charges. Today’s
Obama-Geithner
rescue plan is just the reverse.
Michael Hudson is a former Wall Street economist. A Distinguished Research
Professor at University of Missouri, Kansas City (UMKC), he is the author of
many books, including
Super Imperialism: The Economic Strategy of American Empire (new ed., Pluto
Press, 2002) He can be reached via his website, m...@michael-hudson.com
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