Putin revealed a complete systemic shift in how the two nations conduct business, confirming that all Russia-China trade settlements are now carried out exclusively in local currencies.
Full article: https://en.royanews.tv/news/70010
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Russia and China have issued a comprehensive joint declaration criticizing Western defense projects and unilateral political dominance.
Read more: https://en.royanews.tv/news/70015
Putin in China: The New U.S.-Russia-China
Equation| Pepe Escobar<
Has Putin finally given up on the illusion of a grand deal with the United States after this visit to China?
According to Pepe Escobar, Washington is no longer confronting only Iran, Russia, or China - it is increasingly confronting the global economy itself.
From the Ukraine war to Iran, energy routes, and
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https://youtu.be/XeqPfetcvkk?si=kCwAECjF7NJWGYAT<
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Victor Perlo in _Economics of Racism_
<
https://www.google.com/search?q=what+is+an+outline+of+victor+perlo%27s+economics+of+racism+I&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-8&hl=en-us&client=safari
https://www.jec.senate.gov/reports/96th%20Congress/The%20Cost%20of%20Racial%20Discrimination%20(965).pdf<
HEARING BEFORE THE JOINT ECONOMIC COMMITTEE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES NINETY-SIXTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION OCTOBER 19, 1979 Printed for the use of the Joint Economic Committee 6&U7 0 U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON :1980 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents. U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402 JOINT ECONOMIC COMMITTEE (Created pursuant to see. 5(a) of Public Law 304, 79th Cong.) LLOYD BENTSEN, Texas, Chairman RICHARD BOLLING, Missouri, Vice Chairman SENATE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WILLIAM PROXMIRE, Wisconsin ABRAHAM RIBICOFF, Connecticut EDWARD M. KENNEDY, Massachusetts GEORGE McGOVERN, South Dakota PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland JACOB K. JAVITS, New York WILLIAM V. ROTH, JR., Delaware JAMES A. McCLURE, Idaho ROGER W. JEPSEN, Iowa HENRY S. REUSS, Wisconsin WILLIAM S. MOORHEAD, Pennsylvania LEE H. HAMILTON, Indiana GILLIS W. LONG, Louisiana PARREN J. MITCHELL, Maryland CLARENCE 3. BROWN, Ohio MARGARET M. HECKLER, Massachusetts JOHN H. ROUSSELOT, California CHALMERS P. WYLIE, Ohio JOHN M. ALBERTINE, Executive Director Louis C. KEAUTHOFF II, Assistant Director-Director, SSEC RIcHARD F. KAUFMAN, Assistant Director-General Counsel CKAaLxs H. BRADFORD, Minority Counsel (H) CONTENTS WITNESSES AND STATEMENTS FRIDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1979 Mitchell, Hon. Parren J., member of the Joint Economic Committee, Page presiding: Opening statement _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ -_-_-_ 1 Humphrey, Melvin, Director, Research and Hearings Advisory Group, Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, Washington, D.C 5 Perlo, Victor, professor, New School for Social Research, New York, N:Y- 9 SUBMISSIONS FOR THE RECORD FRIDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1979 Mitchell, Hon. Parren J.: Research paper entitled "An Estimate of the Loss in Potential Gross National Product Due to Existing Employment, Productivity, and Wage Differentials Between White and Nonwhite Workers in the United States" - _------ _-- _- _- 2 Perlo, Victor: Prepared statement __…_-_ -_ - 13 _ (III) THE COST OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION FRIDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1979 CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, JOINT ECONOMIC COMMITTEE, Washington, D.C. The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:32 a.m., in room 210, Cannon House Office Building, Hon. Parren J. Mitchell (member of the committee) presidingo Present: Representative 'Mitchell. Also present: David W. Allen and M. Catherine Miller, professional staff members; Mark Borchelt, administrative assistant; Katie MacArthur, press assistant; and Mark R. Policinski, minority pro- fessional staff member. OPENING STATEMENT OF REPRESENTATIVE MITCHELL, PRESIDING Representative MITCHELL. Good morning. The hearing will now come to order. Today we shall hold a hearing to address the issue of economic disparities that exist between white and black America. The focus of this hearing will be to develop costs associated with economic disparities and to provide a background for an analysis of the costs of discrimination. As a Member of Congress, I have been a proponent of economic growth and programs targeted to meet the needs of the minority community. I am reasonably sure that my colleagues have become annoyed when I constantly refer to the disparity of unemployment and the disparity of rates between blacks and whites. In fact, I have earned a name, a reputation as the economic care- taker of the black community. I am not at all sure that is apropos, but nevertheless, it is there. We discussed the disparity in unemployment and suggested remedies to suggest a more equitable dispersion of its effects, yet we have not acknowledged that economic disparity is costing the black community in foregone revenues. Today, we want to address the issue of this revenue loss or imposed cost caused by institutional barriers preventing economic parity. We have asked for and received from the Congressional Research Service a research paper which is an estimate of the loss in potential gross national product due to existing employment, productivity, and wage differentials between white and nonwhite workers in the United States. This paper measures the potential increase in the Nation's output assuming a hypothetical situation in which economic differentials did not exist, while at the same time assuming other crucial accommodating economic activity. (1) 2 Using 1978 data, this paper shows that nonwhite workers would have gained $9.7 billion in personal income if their unemployment rate and median salary were commensurate with their white counter- parts. Due to excessive rates of unemployment targeted to the non- white community, there was a $9.7 billion loss in personal income. That factor, coupled with a calculation of $27.9 billion that could have been generated by nonwhite workers, who were already em- ployed, had they received the same median full-time annual wages and/or salaries as white workers, totals $37.6 billion in foregone per- sonal income in the nonwhite communities of America in 1978. In 1 year, the nonwhite communities of America lost $37.6 billion due to racial disparities of the community. Today wve have two witnesses who will address the issue of the costs of racial disparities in the economy. I am delighted to say that both persons are friends and persons whom I have known for a long period of time and individuals for whom I have a very happy and utmost respect. Mr. Melvin Humphrey, who is the Director of Research for the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, will discuss his research and conclusions in measuring the costs of racial disparities. Mr. Victor Perlo, who is a private consultant and professor at the New School of Social Research, New York, N.Y., will discuss his ex- tensive research in the area of racial disparities. Gentlemen, it is so very kind of you, both of you, to take the time to be here. I know what your schedules are. I know what the demands are on you. I would suggest that we hear from both of you, and then we will move into the question period. At this point I will place in the hearing record the research paper I referred to in my opening statement. [The research paper follows:] AN ESTIMATE OF THE Loss IN POTENTIAL GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCT DUE TO EXISTING EMPLOYMENT, PRODUCTIVITY, AND WAGE DIFFERENTIALS BETWEEN WHITE AND NONWHITE WORKERS IN THE UNITED STATES (By Charles C. Ciccone, specialist in business and labor economics, and John D. Fisk, analyst in labor economics, Economics Division, Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The authors wish to acknowledge the thoughtful comments and help of Dr. Everson Hull, specialist in macroeconomics in the Con- gressional Research Service. Of course, any shortfalls in the paper must be attributed to the authors. This analysis estimates the loss in potential 1978 U.S. gross national product (GNP) in current dollars due to existing differentials in employment levels, pro- ductivity and average wages between white and non-white workers., This report measures the potential increase in the Nation's output assuming, as instructed by the requester, a hypothetical situation in which the differentials did not exist, and assuming other crucial accommodating economic activity. Average produc- tivity, employment, and wages are presumed to be equal to that prevailing for white workers. This report makes no attempt to isolate particular causes for the existing dif- ferentials in employment, productivity, and wage levels. Rather, the analysis recognizes that many current or past causes may exist, including: (a) Unequal skill and educational levels; (b) racially discriminating hiring and pay raise policies; 1 We refer to current 1978 dollars. 3 (c) unequal health care and housing; (d) differences in labor market mobility;
https://www.google.com/search?q=what+is+an+outline+of+victor+perlo%27s+economics+of+racism+I&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-8&hl=en-us&client=safari
https://www.jec.senate.gov/reports/96th%20Congress/The%20Cost%20of%20Racial%20Discrimination%20(965).pdf<
HEARING BEFORE THE JOINT ECONOMIC COMMITTEE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES NINETY-SIXTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION OCTOBER 19, 1979 Printed for the use of the Joint Economic Committee 6&U7 0 U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON :1980 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents. U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402 JOINT ECONOMIC COMMITTEE (Created pursuant to see. 5(a) of Public Law 304, 79th Cong.) LLOYD BENTSEN, Texas, Chairman RICHARD BOLLING, Missouri, Vice Chairman SENATE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WILLIAM PROXMIRE, Wisconsin ABRAHAM RIBICOFF, Connecticut EDWARD M. KENNEDY, Massachusetts GEORGE McGOVERN, South Dakota PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland JACOB K. JAVITS, New York WILLIAM V. ROTH, JR., Delaware JAMES A. McCLURE, Idaho ROGER W. JEPSEN, Iowa HENRY S. REUSS, Wisconsin WILLIAM S. MOORHEAD, Pennsylvania LEE H. HAMILTON, Indiana GILLIS W. LONG, Louisiana PARREN J. MITCHELL, Maryland CLARENCE 3. BROWN, Ohio MARGARET M. HECKLER, Massachusetts JOHN H. ROUSSELOT, California CHALMERS P. WYLIE, Ohio JOHN M. ALBERTINE, Executive Director Louis C. KEAUTHOFF II, Assistant Director-Director, SSEC RIcHARD F. KAUFMAN, Assistant Director-General Counsel CKAaLxs H. BRADFORD, Minority Counsel (H) CONTENTS WITNESSES AND STATEMENTS FRIDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1979 Mitchell, Hon. Parren J., member of the Joint Economic Committee, Page presiding: Opening statement _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ -_-_-_ 1 Humphrey, Melvin, Director, Research and Hearings Advisory Group, Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, Washington, D.C 5 Perlo, Victor, professor, New School for Social Research, New York, N:Y- 9 SUBMISSIONS FOR THE RECORD FRIDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1979 Mitchell, Hon. Parren J.: Research paper entitled "An Estimate of the Loss in Potential Gross National Product Due to Existing Employment, Productivity, and Wage Differentials Between White and Nonwhite Workers in the United States" - _------ _-- _- _- 2 Perlo, Victor: Prepared statement __…_-_ -_ - 13 _ (III) THE COST OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION FRIDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1979 CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, JOINT ECONOMIC COMMITTEE, Washington, D.C. The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:32 a.m., in room 210, Cannon House Office Building, Hon. Parren J. Mitchell (member of the committee) presidingo Present: Representative 'Mitchell. Also present: David W. Allen and M. Catherine Miller, professional staff members; Mark Borchelt, administrative assistant; Katie MacArthur, press assistant; and Mark R. Policinski, minority pro- fessional staff member. OPENING STATEMENT OF REPRESENTATIVE MITCHELL, PRESIDING Representative MITCHELL. Good morning. The hearing will now come to order. Today we shall hold a hearing to address the issue of economic disparities that exist between white and black America. The focus of this hearing will be to develop costs associated with economic disparities and to provide a background for an analysis of the costs of discrimination. As a Member of Congress, I have been a proponent of economic growth and programs targeted to meet the needs of the minority community. I am reasonably sure that my colleagues have become annoyed when I constantly refer to the disparity of unemployment and the disparity of rates between blacks and whites. In fact, I have earned a name, a reputation as the economic care- taker of the black community. I am not at all sure that is apropos, but nevertheless, it is there. We discussed the disparity in unemployment and suggested remedies to suggest a more equitable dispersion of its effects, yet we have not acknowledged that economic disparity is costing the black community in foregone revenues. Today, we want to address the issue of this revenue loss or imposed cost caused by institutional barriers preventing economic parity. We have asked for and received from the Congressional Research Service a research paper which is an estimate of the loss in potential gross national product due to existing employment, productivity, and wage differentials between white and nonwhite workers in the United States. This paper measures the potential increase in the Nation's output assuming a hypothetical situation in which economic differentials did not exist, while at the same time assuming other crucial accommodating economic activity. (1) 2 Using 1978 data, this paper shows that nonwhite workers would have gained $9.7 billion in personal income if their unemployment rate and median salary were commensurate with their white counter- parts. Due to excessive rates of unemployment targeted to the non- white community, there was a $9.7 billion loss in personal income. That factor, coupled with a calculation of $27.9 billion that could have been generated by nonwhite workers, who were already em- ployed, had they received the same median full-time annual wages and/or salaries as white workers, totals $37.6 billion in foregone per- sonal income in the nonwhite communities of America in 1978. In 1 year, the nonwhite communities of America lost $37.6 billion due to racial disparities of the community. Today wve have two witnesses who will address the issue of the costs of racial disparities in the economy. I am delighted to say that both persons are friends and persons whom I have known for a long period of time and individuals for whom I have a very happy and utmost respect. Mr. Melvin Humphrey, who is the Director of Research for the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, will discuss his research and conclusions in measuring the costs of racial disparities. Mr. Victor Perlo, who is a private consultant and professor at the New School of Social Research, New York, N.Y., will discuss his ex- tensive research in the area of racial disparities. Gentlemen, it is so very kind of you, both of you, to take the time to be here. I know what your schedules are. I know what the demands are on you. I would suggest that we hear from both of you, and then we will move into the question period. At this point I will place in the hearing record the research paper I referred to in my opening statement. [The research paper follows:] AN ESTIMATE OF THE Loss IN POTENTIAL GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCT DUE TO EXISTING EMPLOYMENT, PRODUCTIVITY, AND WAGE DIFFERENTIALS BETWEEN WHITE AND NONWHITE WORKERS IN THE UNITED STATES (By Charles C. Ciccone, specialist in business and labor economics, and John D. Fisk, analyst in labor economics, Economics Division, Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The authors wish to acknowledge the thoughtful comments and help of Dr. Everson Hull, specialist in macroeconomics in the Con- gressional Research Service. Of course, any shortfalls in the paper must be attributed to the authors. This analysis estimates the loss in potential 1978 U.S. gross national product (GNP) in current dollars due to existing differentials in employment levels, pro- ductivity and average wages between white and non-white workers., This report measures the potential increase in the Nation's output assuming, as instructed by the requester, a hypothetical situation in which the differentials did not exist, and assuming other crucial accommodating economic activity. Average produc- tivity, employment, and wages are presumed to be equal to that prevailing for white workers. This report makes no attempt to isolate particular causes for the existing dif- ferentials in employment, productivity, and wage levels. Rather, the analysis recognizes that many current or past causes may exist, including: (a) Unequal skill and educational levels; (b) racially discriminating hiring and pay raise policies; 1 We refer to current 1978 dollars. 3 (c) unequal health care and housing; (d) differences in labor market mobility;
Charles Brown; My teachers; teacher, Professor Leslie A. White founded a materialist evolutionary anthropological school of thought at the University of Michigan. He based it importantly on Lewis Henry Morgan's thesis is _Ancient Society_
http://take10charles.blogspot.com/2022/03/leslie-white-founded-evolutionary.html
To make a long story short, White's theory was centered in physics-engineering-thermodynamics rather than Darwinian evolutionary theory. White focussed on ENERGY capture ;"that culture evolves as societies increase their per capita energy capture through technological efficiency", Rather than population growth or shrinking. Darwinian natural selection fitness is measured by population size and direction. Dinosaurs were absolutely UNFIT when they went instinct, when their population went to zero. Darwin's statement of this principle is that " rarity is a precursor to extinction.' following the dinosaur extinction, mammals were very fit , as their population grew greatly.
Human population grew throughout the Stone Age such that Genus Homo species expanded out of Africa to cover the whole globe, both hemispheres.
With the advent of Civilization , human population grew even more, thus increasing its fitness, the fitness of the human species, the human genome ( only species , types, have fitnesses, NOT INDIVIDUAL ORGANISMS. Individual organisms are carriers of TYPES, WHOLE GENOMES OR SPECIFIC TRAIT TYPES). Increased energy capture with Civilization did correspond with population increase. So, evolution of culture to increased Darwinian fitness did correspond with increased energy capture.
At any rate, increase in energy capture did correspond to increased human species fitness ,or population size . ( not necessarily per capita energy capture; Marshall Sahlins, White's student criticized White's per capital energy capture formula as not empirically valid).
The Energy Theory of Cultural Evolution: Instead of natural selection, White hypothesized that the evolution of human culture is driven by thermodynamics. He argued that a society advances based on its ability to harness per-capita energy from the environment (captured by his formula: \(E \times T > P\), where \(E\) = Energy, \(T\) = Technology, and \(P\) = Product)
White is correct that the natural selection principle does not apply to conflicts WITHIN the human species BECAUSE CONFLICTS WITHIN THE SPECIES DO NOT INCREASE THE SPECIES POPULATION OR RAISE ITS FITNESS (RECALL DARWININ FITNESSIS MEASURED BY POPULATION GROWTH OR SHRINKAGE). So-called Social Darwinism is actually anti-Social Darwinism when it falsely characterizes conflicts with in the species (such as war) as natural selection dynamics. Natural selection dynamics are conflicts between different species, not within the same species.
White is indirectly correct that society "advances" (in the sense that it increases species fitness) "based on its ability to harness per-capita energy from the environment) , because this correlates in history with POPULATION INCREASE with the advent of Civilization.
AI Overview Yes, the total human population spiked significantly with the advent of Civilization ,6,000 years ago.
As humanity transitioned from nomadic hunting and gathering to agricultural communities, and eventually to the first city-states (like those in Mesopotamia and Egypt), the world population surged from an estimated 5 million to around 40 million globally.The advent of civilization ~6,000 to 10,000 years ago caused this explosion for several concrete reasons:Higher Caloric Output: Farming and agriculture allowed humans to produce a much higher volume of food per acre than foraging.Sedentary Lifestyles: Staying in one place altered women's ovarian function and shortened periods of lactation, drastically increasing female fertility and birth rates.Better Infant Survival: While individual lifespans didn't necessarily improve, having reliable, storable food surpluses enhanced early childhood survival rates.You can read more about this fundamental demographic turning point on Our World in Data.
http://take10charles.blogspot.com/2022/03/leslie-white-founded-evolutionary.html
Leslie White founded evolutionary anthropology school based on Lewis Henry Morgan
Charles Brown
Problem with White's historical materialism was he based it in physics ( human efficiency in energy capture ; human ability to counter to second law of thermodynamics) ; _and not in Natural Historical Evolution or species population growth /Darwinian Fitness_ .
His student well known for writing on White's evolutionary theory of efficiency of energy capture , and general and specific evolution of cultures , Marshall Sahlins , self-critically broke with White's energy capture thesis , but did not take up Natural Historical -Darwinian analysis-synthesis , because rightwing Social Darwinisms ( Spencer , sociobiology, evolutionary psychology, white supremacy ) dominated that field.
However , importantly and critically , White and Sahlins championed fiercely SYMBOLIC SIGN COMMUNICATION AS THE DIFFERENTIA SPECIFICA OF HUMAN BEINGS. This is profoundly correct . I have developed very much anthropological science based in Darwinian-Blackwellian human Natural History and Evolution; and White-Sahlins-LeviStraussian Structural Anthropology and Semiotics.
(In anthroplogical intellectual kindhip , I consider myself Son of Sahlins and Grandson of Leslie White - smiles)
Here is Sahlins on his sublation- overcoming and preserving - of White's historical materialism ( my position is a negation of Sahlins's negation White's materialist physics determinism; mine is Marxist Natural History determinism with more human natural history knowledge than Darwin , Marx and Engels had)
https://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/21/magazine/21DubaiSIDE-t.html Sept. 19, 2008 In the pre-’60s at the University of Michigan, rebellion consisted of listening gleefully to the anthropologist Leslie White going mano a mano with God. White was one of those maverick intellectuals and politicians, like Thorstein Veblen, Charles Beard and Robert La Follette, who came out of the rural American heartland to off the pieties-and powers-that-be. Some of these intellectuals were village atheists from the beginning. Others, like White, only shook off the idiocies of rural life when they went to the city and the university.
We never knew White was a member of the Socialist Labor Party in the ’30s and early ’40s, contributing articles to The Weekly People under the name John Steel. Nor could you have guessed from his so-Americanized version of Marxism: a theory of cultural evolution based singularly on technological progress. Progress in the Neolithic, he claimed, came from the increase in the amount of energy harnessed per capita because of plant and animal domestication. He was not amused when I objected that energy “per capita” was the same as in the Old Stone Age, since the primary mechanical source remained the human body.
( CB: Come to think of it , after all these years of hearing Sahlins's critique, White's formula would have some validity if we just use "energy harnessed " period -no "per capta" )
Sahlins continues : "On the other hand, I have never repudiated White’s concept of culture as a thoroughly symbolic phenomenon. I never tired of repeating his dictum that no ape can appreciate the difference between holy water and distilled water — because there is none, chemically speaking. That, for me, resolved the contradiction in his own teaching and that of the many human scientists who separate culture from practical activity, as if the symbolic dimension of economic behavior were an afterthought of the material. The “economic basis” of society is culturally constructed. Even our supposedly “rational choices” are based on another, meaningful logic that, for example, makes steak a more prestigious food than hamburger, or women’s clothes different in significant ways from men’s. It turns out that materialism is a form of idealism, because it’s wrong, too.
Marshall Sahlins is an emeritus professor of anthropology at the University of Chicago and the author most recently of “The Western Illusion of Human Nature.”
https://anthropology.iresearchnet.com/leslie-a-white/
WHITE, LESLIE A. fig.1White accepted an appointment at the University of Buffalo in 1927. Following a visit to a nearby Seneca Indian Reservation, White read Lewis Henry Morgan’s League of the Iroquois. Morgan’s evolutionary ideas resonated with White and he read the works of other evolutionary theorists including Herbert Spenser and Edward B. Tylor. White joined the faculty of the University of Michigan following the retirement of Julian Steward in 1930. Despite tensions with other faculty and administration, he stayed at Michigan until his retirement in 1970. During his tenure, the institution was transformed into one of the leading centers for anthropological teaching and research in the country.
White became a prolific writer while at Michigan, publishing The Science of Culture (1949), The Evolution of Culture: The Development of Civilization to the Fall of Rome (1959), and The Concept of Culture (1973). The Science of Culture is widely regarded as White’s most important work and outlines his ideas about the relationship between culture, culturology (the scientific study of culture), and cultural evolution. According to White, the primary force in cultural evolution is technology and a culture advances as “the amount of energy harnessed per capita per year increases or as the efficiency or means of controlling energy is increased.” As technology becomes more efficient (and more energy is harnessed), the social structure and ideological norms of the society change accordingly.
In addition to his writings on evolution, White continued his lifelong interest in Lewis Henry Morgan and wrote several volumes on Morgan’s research and life. These include Excerpts From the European Travel Journal of Lewis H. Morgan (1937) and Pioneers in American Anthropology: The Bandelier-Morgan Letters 1837—1883 (1940). He was also an avid field researcher who published several monographs including The Acoma Indians (1932), The Pueblo of San Felipe (1932), and The Pueblo of Santa Ana, New Mexico (1942).
White retired from the University of Michigan in 1970. Following his retirement, White moved to Santa Barbara and continued writing at the University of California. On March 31, 1975, he died of a heart attack. White will be remembered as a “neo-evolutionist” who reintroduced the concept of evolution into anthropological theory.
References: Bohannan, P., & Glazer, M. (1988). High points in anthropology. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Marcus, G. E., & Fischer, M. M. J. (1986). Anthropology as cultural critique: An experimental moment in the human sciences. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Morgan, L. H. (1960). The league of the Iroquois. New York: Corinth Books. Service, E. (1976). Leslie Alvin White 1900-1975. American Anthropologist, 78, 612-617. White, L. A. (1949). The science of culture: A study of man and civilization. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, Inc. White, L. A. (1973). The concept of culture. Minneapolis: Burgess Publishing Company
Yes, Morgan's Societas / Civitas distinction is still fundamental in anthropology all the way to White's student Sahlins.
Societas is the Stone Age; phylogenetically based kinship organizes society. With Civitas is the origin of the male supremacist family , private property and the state, a la Engels.
On Jan 23, 2017, at 8:13 PM, Jim Farmelant < wrote:<
No mention that White was a member of the Socialist Labor Party and that his neoevolutionism was in large degree inspired by his readings of Engels and of Lewis Henry Morgan, the 19th century American anthropologist, who studied American Indian tribes, andwas a friend of Charles Darwin, and whose work was admired by Darwin, Marx & Engels, and Freud, ---------- Original Message ---------- https://www.britannica.com/biography/Leslie-A-White Date: Mon, 23 Jan 2017 15:23:47 -0500 White considered his greatest contribution to anthropology to be his conception of culturology, outlined in a series of essays called The Science of Culture (1949). By culturology, White meant the application to culture of the organismic analogy of structure-function that Herbert Spencer had applied to society. This approach to culture was philosophically materialistic and nonreductionist. However, White was never a social Darwinist, and he opposed Spencer’s interpretations of the Darwinian terms “competition” and “survival of the fittest.” He promoted Tylor’s definition of culture and denied that cultural variation derived from racial differences among humans.
what is an outline of Leslie a white's The Evolution of Culture (1973
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AI Overview
Leslie A. White’s The Evolution of Culture is the 1959 foundational text of neo-evolutionary anthropology. It argues that culture evolves as societies increase their per capita energy capture through technological efficiency. White divides culture into three interdependent subsystems—Technological, Sociological, and Ideological—with technology acting as the primary engine for evolutionary progress.
en.wikipedia.org
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The book systematically outlines cultural development, progressing from the earliest human societies through the fall of Rome. The structural outline of the book's core argument is as follows:
1. The Theory of Cultural Evolution
The Energy Principle: White’s primary law of cultural evolution dictates that culture evolves as the amount of energy harnessed per capita per year increases, or as the efficiency of energy control improves.
sk.sagepub.com
Culture as Extrasomatic Adaptation: He defines culture as an extrasomatic (outside the body) means of adaptation, consisting of tools, beliefs, and social systems designed to ensure human survival in nature.
bioculturalevolution.net
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2. The Tripartite Structure of Culture
White breaks down every cultural system into three interconnected components, asserting that changes begin in the material base and ripple upward:
Technological Subsystem: The material, mechanical, physical, and chemical tools, as well as the techniques used to subsist. This is the primary determinant of cultural evolution.
en.wikipedia.org
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Sociological Subsystem: The interpersonal relations and social structures (e.g., kinship systems, political institutions, and economic organizations) that govern human behavior.
Ideological Subsystem: The beliefs, values, knowledge, and philosophies used to adjust, interpret, and give meaning to the natural and social environments.
3. Stages of Cultural Development
The text traces the evolution of human civilization through escalating stages of energy capture and technological advancement:
The Eolithic and Paleolithic Stages: Characterized by reliance on human energy, rudimentary chipped stone tools, and fire.
The Neolithic Revolution: The shift from hunting and gathering to agriculture and animal husbandry. This enabled humans to capture solar energy more efficiently, leading to sedentary villages, population booms, and the division of labor.
The Age of Metals and Fuel: The mastery of metallurgy followed by the early use of non-human energy sources (wind and water).
sociopedia.co
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4. Societal and Ideological Consequences
White demonstrates how these technological milestones necessitated massive changes to social and political structures. For instance, the agricultural revolution transformed societies from small bands based on kinship into large, complex states stratified by class, ownership, and formal government.
sociopedia.co
To explore the exact definitions and mechanics of his theory, you can refer to the full text available via the Internet Archive.
what is an outline of anthropologist leslie a white's evolution and culture /
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AI Overview
Leslie A. White | Cultural Evolution, Social Theory ...Anthropologist Leslie A. White’s Evolution of Culture (1959) outlines a materialist theory of "neo-evolution." He argued that cultures advance primarily through technological development, which increases a society's ability to harness and utilize energy per capita.
www.britannica.com
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Core Principles
Energy Formula: White defined his concept of cultural evolution with the formula
, where
is the amount of energy harnessed per capita,
is the efficiency of the technology used to harness that energy, and
is the cultural development.
Extra-Somatic Adaptation: He famously defined culture as humanity's non-biological ("extra-somatic") means of surviving and adapting to its environment.
bioculturalevolution.net
Culturology: White advocated for a strictly scientific, objective study of culture as an independent system, coining the term culturology to describe the analysis of symbols and culture without strictly focusing on individual human psychology.
books.google.com
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The Three Components of Culture
White structured culture into three interconnected, interdependent layers:
en.wikipedia.org
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Technological System: The mechanical, physical, and chemical tools used alongside the techniques of how people use them. White argued this is the primary determinant and driving force of cultural evolution.
Sociological System: Social organization—such as kinship, political, and economic systems—which regulates human behavior.
Ideological System: The philosophical, religious, moral, and knowledge-based beliefs that attempt to explain the universe.
https://take10charles.blogspot.com/2026/05/what-is-outline-of-leslie-whites.html
en.wikipedia.org
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Stages of Cultural Development
White outlined five major stages of human evolution based on the primary source of energy utilized:
ebooks.inflibnet.ac.in
Human Energy: Relying solely on human muscle power.
Animal Domestication: Utilizing the energy of domesticated animals for agriculture and transportation.
Plant Domestication: The agricultural revolution, which tapped into the energy of cultivated plants.
Natural Resources: The Industrial Revolution, unlocking the energy from fossil fuels like coal, oil, and gas.
Nuclear Energy: The harnessing of atomic and nuclear power.
ebooks.inflibnet.ac.in
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White’s The Evolution of Culture is celebrated for returning macro-evolutionary, materialist perspectives to anthropology after the dominance of the Boasian historical particularism school in the early 20th century.
www.britannica.com
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Leslie A. White | Cultural Evolution, Social Theory ... - Britannica
Mar 27, 2026 — For White, cultural evolution was generated by technological changes, particularly with regard to the increased harnessing of ener...
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Leslie White - Wikipedia
White differentiated three components of culture: technological, sociological, and ideological. He argued that it was the technolo...
en.wikipedia.org
Leslie A. White: Evolution and Revolution in Anthropology
After writing several respected ethnographic works about the Pueblo Indians, White broke ranks with anthropologists who favored su...
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SAHLINS ON HAWAII
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https://www.google.com/search?q=what+is+an+outline+of+anthropologist+marshall+sahlins+book+on+hawaiian+economics+and+social+structure&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-8&hl=en-us&client=safari
Published in 1958, Social Stratification in Polynesia is a foundational anthropological book by Marshall Sahlins. It serves as a classic example of cultural ecology and neo-evolutionary theory, examining how traditional Polynesian societies adapted to their environments and developed varying degrees of social classes, political power, and economic inequality.Key Themes and ConceptsTechno-Environmental Determinism: Sahlins argued that the varying degrees of social stratification in Polynesia were not random. Instead, they were direct adaptations to the productivity of the local environments, agricultural techniques (like intensive irrigation vs. dry-land farming), and available technology.Ranking vs. Stratification: Sahlins differentiated between a "ranked" society (where status is determined by one's genealogical proximity to a divine ancestor) and a "stratified" society (where classes have distinctly unequal access to basic resources and political power).Adaptive Variations: He categorized Polynesian societies based on this hierarchy. Highly stratified societies, like Hawaii and Tonga, developed under environments capable of producing surplus agricultural goods, supporting large populations, and sustaining centralized, despotic chiefs. Conversely, atoll societies (like Pukapuka) with limited resources remained relatively egalitarian.Ramage and Descent-Line Systems: Sahlins analyzed how kinship structures, such as "ramages" (conical clan systems) and descent lines, facilitated or restricted social mobility and the centralization of power.Academic SignificanceThe book was Sahlins's doctoral dissertation at Columbia University, heavily influenced by his mentor, Leslie White, who championed cultural materialism and cultural evolution. It remains a landmark study in Pacific ethnology, demonstrating how economic systems, geography, and kinship interact to shape human social structures.For further reading or a deeper dive into the methodology, you can explore the full text or reviews of the publication on the Internet Archive or the University of California Press Journals archives.
https://www.google.com/search?q=what+is+an+outline+of+anthropologist+marshall+sahlins+book+on+hawaiian+economics+and+social+structure&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-8&hl=en-us&client=safari
Published in 1958, Social Stratification in Polynesia is a foundational anthropological book by Marshall Sahlins. It serves as a classic example of cultural ecology and neo-evolutionary theory, examining how traditional Polynesian societies adapted to their environments and developed varying degrees of social classes, political power, and economic inequality.Key Themes and ConceptsTechno-Environmental Determinism: Sahlins argued that the varying degrees of social stratification in Polynesia were not random. Instead, they were direct adaptations to the productivity of the local environments, agricultural techniques (like intensive irrigation vs. dry-land farming), and available technology.Ranking vs. Stratification: Sahlins differentiated between a "ranked" society (where status is determined by one's genealogical proximity to a divine ancestor) and a "stratified" society (where classes have distinctly unequal access to basic resources and political power).Adaptive Variations: He categorized Polynesian societies based on this hierarchy. Highly stratified societies, like Hawaii and Tonga, developed under environments capable of producing surplus agricultural goods, supporting large populations, and sustaining centralized, despotic chiefs. Conversely, atoll societies (like Pukapuka) with limited resources remained relatively egalitarian.Ramage and Descent-Line Systems: Sahlins analyzed how kinship structures, such as "ramages" (conical clan systems) and descent lines, facilitated or restricted social mobility and the centralization of power.Academic SignificanceThe book was Sahlins's doctoral dissertation at Columbia University, heavily influenced by his mentor, Leslie White, who championed cultural materialism and cultural evolution. It remains a landmark study in Pacific ethnology, demonstrating how economic systems, geography, and kinship interact to shape human social structures.For further reading or a deeper dive into the methodology, you can explore the full text or reviews of the publication on the Internet Archive or the University of California Press Journals archives.