AGAINST "FREEDOM" OF FASCISTIC RACIST SPEECH AND ORGANIZATION<
by John Henry (Charles Brown)<
Legal
protection of fascistic racist speech and organization
is most obviously a threat, a clear and present danger to African Americans , Latiinos and other target oppressed nationalities and groups; it is also a direct, clear and present danger to progressives.
<
However, some argue that freedom for oppressed groups and progressives depends upon permitting fascistic racist speech <
We might
"freedom".
divide these arguments into the "philosophical " and the
"pragmatic".
"Pragmatic" arguments
"Pragmatic"
arguments are basically of the form: the freedom
of speech and assembly
of oppressed and progressive groups
depends upon courts interpreting the Constitutional First Amendment racist
as protecting the
"freedom"
"unpopular".
If unpopular
fascistic
is not protected,
then oppressed and progressive
group freedom will
not be protected.
Are we removing our
protection by
"freedom"
racist speech and
assembly? <
No.
of fascistic
racist speech and assembly has not in fact and at consistently protected freedom of oppressed
and progressive group
speech and assembly.<
on
freedom of speech
The Supreme Court until 1919.
did not decide a case
Thus,
Abolitionist movement did not rely on
for example the
the Court to protect its
freedom of speech.
Even in the first Supreme Court free speech and assembly
decisions,
the
First
Amendment
was not used consistently to
protect progressives.
In Schenck,
Abrams
and Debs
the
sent to jail peace activists and trade unionists, who
Court
opposed
U.S. involvement in World War I (These activists opposed
the war
because 1t
was a capitalist,
of the working class).
imperialist war not in the interest
Despite
Justices
Holmes and
the fact
thet
in this perlod
Brandeis began to develop
the modern
doctrine
still in Gitlow (1925) and
whitney
convictions were upheld of
socialists and
communists who spoke free
speech and then
In Whitney
Brandeis
wrote a paean to
Labor Party, one of
voted to jail a member of the Communist the founding parties of the Communist Party
USA.
Of course, earlier, Holmes and Brandeis' jurisprudential revolution was not in time to prevent the Infamous Palmer Raids?.The end of the 1940's brought McCarthyism and the Smith Act.
Obviously, Pirst Anendment protection of progressives fades badly
3801n 1n
this period, Dennis
The Court's distinction in Yates
begag
one such failure to protect. between advocacy of abstract
doctrine and advocacy of action so as to reach a different
result
than in Dennis solely on failure to give jury instructions is very flimsy and metaphysical.
Of course, the result in Yates,
overturning a conviction is important to those released from jail, but how can Marxists, who place a premium on the unity of theory and practice,
unity
of words and action,
rely for their
protection on an absolute di stinction between abstract doctritte
and action ?
On the other hand, throughout the period discussed above, the KKK and fascistic racists were allowed to pregch their hate.
In two landmark cases, Terminello and Brandenburg the Supreme court protected fascistic racist speech.
This history
gives very
support for the notion that
protection
fascistic
Pacist
translates by U.S.
jurisprudential logic into protection of
communists and
progressives.
rhetoric and word formulas
the judges'
opinions,
communists
and progressives
and the fascistic racists are freed or never arrested in the first place.
There is also from the tactical
standpoint,
the more direct
threat・
Aside from the role of courts in protecting
not
protecting oppressed/progressive
group freedom,
the allowance of
the existence and growth of fascistic racist
groups directly,
physically
threatens their ideological targets:
oppressed and
progressive groups.
This every week results
incidents in our country.
Specifically.
in bigotted violent with respect to
oppressed groups who are the main targets of fascistic racist organizations,
It should be clear that obtaining court protection
for freedom of speech and assembly
would not be worth it if that
"protection" is gotten in exchange for allowing fascistic racist organizations to exist; allowing the direct physical threat and racists gangs would not be worth the trade off of obtaining court protection for freedom of speech and assembly, even if the protection could not be had without the allowance of the existence of the threat ( actually this direct threat from fascists also exists for progressives, especially communists).
Purthermore,
there is not an extensive court accepted
jurisprudence on
Amendment rights of oppressed national
Except for Jim Crow governments and laws, which are now
outlawed,
little legal dispute
that civil rights
organizations
right to exist,Doris Brin Walker's Article
United
Doris Brin Walker's article "Limiting Racist Speech
States
"Freedom"
Apparent the
"pragmatic"
Const Yout tones i Speec
In the
A Marxist View of the focuses on what I have
protection by
question: Are we removing our own legal
termed
opposing fascistic racist speech ? This is
appropriate because among Marxists there should be no
"philosophical"
question
real debate
of fascistic racists. Such
socalled free speech rights
"philosophical" debates should only be
between Marxists and liberals.
However, I disagree with arguments.
some of Walker's "pragmatic"
Walker points as an example to the protection from the 1st
Amendment for a Marxist conference at which she presented her
in 1987. He also might consider my publish this article as so protected.
freedom to write and
play a role in these freedoms.
The First Amendment does
But Walker goes on to list countries - Canada,
Britain - where she says the freedom of speech
France,
traditaons
weaker than in the U.S.. Ironically,
Communist Parties that are as strong or stronger than in
two of those countries have
It is well known that France's Communist Party is much
the U.S.
than the CPUSA. In terms of membership, the Canadian Party is not proportionally
third country・
smaller than the C.P.U.S.A.
England, the communist party is In disarray. but
it has not been outlawed to any greater extent than in the This suggests that these of Marxists!
countries!
movements are
winnLag freedom
speech and assembly
by other methods
U.S. style freedon of speech tradition.
than just a
Walker has responded to this argument by pointing to the stronger history
Marxism in the working classes
those other
countries than
U.S., in part due to the U.S. western
expansion and the a form of American
resultant availability of cheap land, et al. - exceptionalism.
truth to this.
But history has not ended.
are still building Marxism in the U.S. working class.
The point
is that we
emphasize not only the legal protection from
lawyers'
judges reasoning in interpreting the Pirst
Amendment,
but more importantly the protection provided by a
class conscious working class, a very
protection for
communists and
Important component
progressives in the other
countries discussed as well as others.
on the one hand, and rightly so,
the great
accomplishments of the U.s.
people and working class under the
state le・g・
the U.S. Bill
despite
1iml ted
democracy under capitalism.
But contradictorily she warns
against
illusions about the role of the capitalist
contrary to the legal and
status of progressive, especially communist
organizations•
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