Subject: Political Affairs article on Dubois
by: Phillip Luke Sinitiere
August 26 2013
tags: racism, equality, NAACP, Communist Party, China, Soviet Union,
justice, W.E.B. Du Bois, labor, socialism
Introduction
In the coming weeks, commemorations of the March on Washington will
acknowledge Martin Luther King's iconic "I Have a Dream" speech.
Others will recall the addresses of labor leader A. Philip Randolph
and the activist and future Congressperson John Lewis along with the
inspiring musical performances of Joan Baez, Pete Seeger, Marian
Anderson, and of course Mahalia Jackson.
Likely to get lost in the mix of history and memory is another
speech-effectively recounted in Charles Euchener's Nobody Turn Me
Around: A People's History of the 1963 March on Washington-NAACP
Executive Secretary Roy Wilkins' announcement of W. E. B. Du Bois's
death in Ghana the day before the March. In one breath, Wilkins
praised Du Bois; in the next breath, he maintained a severe distance
from the towering intellectual and civil rights activist. To the
thousands gathered at the Washington Mall on that warm August day,
Wilkins praised Du Bois's famous 1903 book The Souls of Black Folk,
remarking that it was Du Bois's "voice that [called] to you to gather
here today in this cause." However, Wilkins quickly lamented that "in
his later years Dr. Du Bois chose another path." Wilkins' reference to
"another path" meant Du Bois's vocal advocacy of socialism and
communism, convictions Du Bois proclaimed in the closing decades of
his life during the 1930s, 40s, and 50s.[1]
Yet, there are other memories of that historic day. Black intellectual
John Oliver Killens recalled that as he gathered with James Baldwin,
Sidney Poitier and others at the Willard Hotel in Washington, D. C.,
on the morning of August 28, 1963, someone walked in an announced that
"The old man died." According to Killens, no one had to inquire about
the old man's identity. "We all knew who the old man was, because he
was our old man. He belonged to every one of us. And we belonged to
him," Killens stated. A writer with a keen ability to flesh out the
feeling of a particular historical setting, Killens continued: "More
than any other single human being, [Du Bois], through the sheer power
of his vast and profound intelligence, his tireless scholarship and
his fierce dedication to the cause of black liberation, has brought us
and the other two hundred and fifty thousand souls to this place, to
this moment in time and space." However, Killens also knew that on
that August day in 1963 he was firmly in history's grasp. His
awareness beamed. "There was a kind of poetic finale that made sense
to us," Killens noted, "that [Du Bois] should die on the very eve of
this historical occasion. He was a man of irony. He had run a
tremendous race, and now it would be up to us, all of use everywhere,
to take the torch and carry it forward. He had left us a legacy, of
scholarship and struggle."[2]
Wilkins' striking announcement and Killens' recollection of Du Bois's
death powerfully illustrate the combative politics of the modern civil
rights era. These historical snapshots also forcefully remind us of
the visceral anticommunist rejection of Du Bois's radical politics
during his twilight years. Today, 50 years after his death, Du Bois's
later years remain obscured and underappreciated. Only a handful of
scholars-namely the work of the late Manning Marable, Gerald Horne,
Amy Bass, and Eric Porter, among others-have incisively chronicled Du
Bois's latter decades. In this year of half-century anniversaries of
momentous civil rights events (e.g., King's "Letter from Birmingham
Jail," Medgar Evers' murder, Sixteenth Street Baptist bombing, etc.),
let us also recall the importance of Du Bois's "legacy of scholarship
and struggle"-particularly that of his later years. It is imperative
that communities committed to justice not only remember Du Bois's
death, but also explore Du Bois's work from his closing decades to
generate renewed energy, inspiration, and intellectual capital to
tackle the economic and racial injustices that continue to bedevil
humanity. Du Bois's global perspective, critique of capitalism, and
support for multiracial solidarity beckon our attention.
A Short History of W. E. B. Du Bois's Twilight Years
I locate W. E. B. Du Bois's twilight years from 1934, when he exited
the NAACP, to 1963, the year Du Bois passed away. The year 1934 marked
a career-shifting development, both professionally and personally.
Given Du Bois's passing in such a momentous year and amidst the
growing heat of the Cold War, questions about his legacy deserve
recognition as well.
Du Bois resigned from the NAACP in 1934 over the most effective
approaches to civil rights. Parting ways with an association he
co-founded also meant the termination of his quarter-century career at
The Crisis magazine, the NAACP's magazine he founded and edited.
Thereafter Du Bois returned to college teaching at Atlanta University,
where he remained until 1944. While in Atlanta Du Bois traveled across
the globe to places such as Germany, Russia, and Japan, and published
important studies like the Marxist-framed Black Reconstruction (1935)
and an autobiography Dusk of Dawn (1939). By the late 40s-in his
seventies-Du Bois's international perspective on global justice found
a home with Left organizations such as the Council of African Affairs
and the anti-nuclear Peace Information Center. The aging but still
insightful scholar even ran for the U. S. Senate in 1950. Amidst the
Cold War hysteria over Communism, Du Bois's pointed critiques of the
deep relationship between capitalism, colonialism, and racism-in
short, his cogent analysis of the global color line-raised the ire of
rabid anticommunists and drew additional attention of J. Edgar
Hoover's FBI. As a result, Du Bois found himself arrested for refusing
to register as the representative of a foreign principal. Ultimately
acquitted in November 1951, Du Bois's experiences steeled a resolve
that focused on proposing a socialist solution to a world gripped in
the chaos of gross injustice, a message he committedly proclaimed in
numerous speeches throughout the 1950s. Since the State Department
seized Du Bois's passport for most of that decade-a practice it
continues to inflict on principled dissidents in our own day-Du Bois's
stateside sequester limited his global travel but did not prevent his
socialist vision from impacting the world. Du Bois's writings
continued to make their way into the hands of hungry readers, such as
the summary of his McCarthy persecution from In Battle for Peace
(1952), and his midcentury newspaper columns with Amsterdam News,
Chicago Defender, People's Voice, National Guardian, and Freedom.
During 1958 and 1959 with passport in hand, Du Bois commenced another
global excursion, traveling to England, Sweden, and France. In Russia
Du Bois sojourned for five months, and in a meeting with Nikita
Khrushchev persuaded the premier to sponsor an Africa Institute.
Continuing eastward, Du Bois's two-month stay in China included
meetings with Mao Zedong and the Chinese premier Zhou Enlai. Thousands
turned out to greet Du Bois in February 1959 when he delivered a
lecture in China the day he turned 91.[3]
Over the next few years, Du Bois continued to write and to advocate
for justice. However, two developments of note occurred in October
1961. On October 1, Du Bois wrote to Gus Hall, formally requesting
membership in the Communist Party. "I have been long and slow in
coming to this conclusion," Du Bois wrote, "but at last my mind is
settled." The same month Du Bois penned his membership letter, he
received an invitation from Ghanaian leader Kwame Nkrumah to continue
work on a long-germinating project, the Encyclopedia Africana. In
Ghana Du Bois and his second wife, the Communist writer and activist
Shirley Graham, welcomed a steady stream of guests and disciples at
their comfortable Accra residence. Du Bois's faltering health in 1962
necessitated an emergency trip to London and a recuperation period in
Switzerland followed by a return trip through Russia and China. Back
in Ghana, Du Bois visited the American Embassy to renew his passport.
Officials refused, citing legal requirements that no member of the
Communist Party could have a U. S. passport. Embittered but
passionately principled, Du Bois became a Ghanaian citizen. Du Bois
spent his remaining days under U. S. surveillance, and despite a
weakened constitution, he entertained guests and continued to think
and plan the Encyclopedia Africana. Du Bois died in late August 1963,
the day before Martin Luther King announced his iconic dream for
America's future. Du Bois's widow relayed that in the days leading up
to his death, Du Bois was aware of plans for and "greatly interested"
in the March on Washington. At Du Bois's state funeral in Ghana,
mourners heard a number of eulogies as they processed to his final
resting place. As the journalist William Branch reported in Amsterdam
News, a torrential rain pelted those present as the ceremony
concluded-a sign Africans took as a libation from heaven in
recognition of Du Bois's life well lived.[4]
The legacy of W. E. B. Du Bois's life after death demands our
attention as well. One place we observe Du Bois's legacy is to recall
the creation of W. E. B. Du Bois Clubs. Founded in the 1960s by Du
Bois comrade Bettina Aptheker (and daughter of former Political
Affairs editor Herbert Aptheker) along with the tireless efforts of
many others including the CPUSA's Jarvis Tyner, the Du Bois Clubs
naturally caught the attention of the U. S. government, but also riled
up rabid anticommunists like Richard Nixon. In 1966 Nixon, then chair
of the Boys Club of America, made the ludicrous claim that since "Du
Bois" rhymed with "Boys" W. E. B. Du Bois Clubs sought to dupe
would-be members of Boys Club of America into joining the Communist
cause. While long since disbanded, Tim Wheeler reported earlier this
year in Peoples World that Du Bois's legacy is alive and well with
former Du Bois Club comrades. Former members gathered not only to
recall their history, but also to pool social and intellectual capital
to pledge renewed commitments to justice. We also see Du Bois's legacy
in his hometown of Great Barrington, Massachusetts, where contests
over his memory blazed in the late 1960s and 1970s but also even as
recently as 2004 over the naming of a school in Du Bois's honor.[5]
Let us also not forget that at a meeting in 1968 to commemorate Du
Bois's century mark, some of the twentieth century's most notable
people maintained the legitimacy of Du Bois's closing decades through
bold, public proclamations. For example, in the tumultuous year of
1968-turning points in international and domestic affairs-Du Bois
continued to be a flashpoint of controversy even as sympathetic
interests sought to champion his legacy. Martin Luther King delivered
a speech titled "Honoring Du Bois" at a Freedomways ceremony at
Carnegie Hall celebrating Du Bois's 100th birthday. "History cannot
ignore W. E. B. Du Bois," thundered King only three months before his
assassination, "Because history has to reflect the truth and Dr. Du
Bois was a tireless explorer and a gifted discoverer of social truths.
His singular greatness lay in his quest for truth about his own
people." King also demanded a robust reckoning with Du Bois's
politics. He stated, "We cannot talk of Dr. Du Bois without
recognizing that he was a radical all his life. Some people would like
to ignore the fact that he was a Communist in his later years . . . It
is time to cease muting the fact that Dr. Du Bois was a genius and
chose to be a communist. Our irrational obsessive anticommunism has
led into too many quagmires . . . . Dr. Du Bois has left us but he has
not died." At that same meeting, a young history professor named John
Hope Franklin gave a keynote, cognizant of the moment's historical
gravity. Franklin observed that, "The manner in which the death of W.
E. B. Du Bois was reported in some quarters here in the United States
is itself a curious commentary on the extent to which the country of
his birth was out of touch with him." Conscious of the politicization
of Du Bois's memory, Franklin jumped to his defense: "[I] wish I could
erase from my memory the picture of Dr. Du Bois at eighty years of age
handcuffed like a common thief, accused of being the agent of a
foreign power. Even his subsequent exoneration [in 1951] cannot
obliterate . . . the impression that, perhaps, will always remain:
that he was the victim not merely of the fanaticism that characterized
those years, but that he was being punished for what he had
represented for more than half a century."[6]
W. E. B. Du Bois for the 21st Century
Both praised and excoriated for his principled convictions and
critical analysis of the world in which he inhabited, it is important
to pause at the half-century mark of Du Bois's passing and consider
the enduring power of his historical witness. Although commemorations
and celebrations of the 50th anniversary of the March on Washington
will likely overlook the anniversary of Du Bois's death-or relegate
him to a mere footnote of that historic event-Du Bois remains relevant
for our own time. As Keith Feldman stated in a recent Al Jazeera
article, "[W]e turn to Du Bois to plumb the thick emancipatory dreams
persistently articulated by and for the world's darker peoples, to
draw on their searing legacies and insights . . . We need Du Bois
today, perhaps more than ever."[7]
Why do we need Du Bois now more than ever? First, Du Bois's
international perspective was not only prescient, it is vital for the
global moment of which we are a part. Second, Du Bois's critique of
capitalism, along with capitalism's contemporary problems, demand
envisioning more equitable solutions to current dilemmas. Finally, Du
Bois's cognizance about multiracial alliances in the quest for racial
justice-something he did not always see-is crucial as claims about
today's so-called post-racial moment conceals gaping inequality even
as it seeks to levy more power for the ruling classes. The prophets of
today's so-called post-racial age, while they champion examples of
individual racial and ethnic solidarity, often fail to analyze the
structural inequalities that continue to divide those same
individuals.
Du Bois remains relevant first because he framed his analysis of
history and society in international perspective. After all, Du Bois
first made his famous and prophetic pronouncement about the color line
as the problem of the twentieth century in London. Convened in 1900,
Du Bois's "Address to the Nations of the World" at the first Pan
African Conference portended a life of organizing, writing, and
otherwise agitating for justice across the globe. From numerous works
of his later years such as Black Folk Now and Then (1939), Dusk of
Dawn (1940), Color and Democracy: Colonies and Peace (1945), and The
World and Africa (1947), we read how Du Bois understood the
interdependence of the world's peoples, and how empires and unjust
regimes commit themselves to a sadistic dynamism of exploitative
practices. In the Introduction to his 1947 Appeal to the World, Du
Bois presented racial justice in the United States in global terms. He
wrote, "Therefore, Peoples of the World, we American Negroes appeal to
you; our treatment in America is not merely an internal question of
the United States. It is a basic problem of humanity; of democracy; of
discrimination because of race and color; and as such it demands your
attention and action. No nation is so great that the world can afford
to let it continue to be deliberately unjust, cruel and unfair toward
its own citizens." Today's interconnected and interdependent world is
not just about snazzy smartphones, Skyping with friends, or the
crowdsourcing of knowledge at Wikipedia; it is also about
understanding the interconnection of capital and labor-mediated
through amazing technological advances-and how the moneyed and ruling
classes seek to harness such technologies to wrest both power and
profits from working-class and middle-class folks.
Du Bois's relevance also has to do with his incisive criticism of
capitalism. Du Bois deftly drew analytical connections between
capitalism, race, empire, class, and democracy, particularly in his
later works. Du Bois's 1952 book In Battle for Peace, a summary of his
McCarthy trial, makes these connections. "As, then, a citizen of the
world as well as of the United States of America, I claim the right to
know and think and tell the truth as I see it," Du Bois proclaimed, "I
believe in Socialism as well as Democracy. I believe in Communism . .
. I believe in free enterprise among free men and individual
initiative under physical, biological and social law . . . . We claim
that America leads in democracy. This claim is old and has at times
approached truth. It is not true today. For democracy, while logical
in theory, is difficult to achieve and maintain in practice . . . .
Wealth is not and never was entirely the result of individual effort;
it always involved some measure of group co-operation."[8]
Another place to place to observe Du Bois's critique of capitalism is
to return to his October 1961 letter of application to the Communist
Party, referenced above. Speaking confidently with conviction, the
93-year-old Du Bois wrote to Gus Hall: "Capitalism cannot reform
itself; it is doomed to self-destruction. No universal selfishness can
bring social good to all. Communism-the effort to give all men what
they need and to ask of each the best they can contribute-this is the
only way of human life. It is a difficult and hard end to reach, it
has and will make mistakes, but today it marches triumphantly on in
education and science, in home and food, with increased freedom of
thought and deliverance from dogma. In the end communism will triumph.
I want to help bring that day." While in hindsight Du Bois's
confidence in communism's ascendancy seems to overreach, it is true
today that a Communist Party rules the world's most populous socialist
country.
In Du Bois's final book, his posthumously published Autobiography
(1968), he commented, "I believe in communism. I mean by communism, a
planned way of life in the production of wealth and work designed for
building a state whose object is the highest welfare of its people and
not merely profit of a part. . .Once I thought that these ends could
be attained under capitalism, means of production privately owned, and
used in accord with free individual initiative. After earnest
observation I now believe that private ownership of capital and free
enterprise are leading the world to disaster." Du Bois linked these
observations about capitalism and communism to particular political
and economic events of his twilight years. Strikingly, and sadly, Du
Bois's prescient words describe our own day, and deserve lengthy
quotation. "Even today the contradictions of American civilization are
tremendous," Du Bois wrote in his Autobiography's Postlude, "Freedom
of political discussion is difficult; elections are not free and fair.
Democracy is for us to a large extent unworkable . . . Those
responsible for the misuse of wealth escape responsibility, and even
the owners of capital often do not know for what it is being used and
how. The criterion of industry and trade is the profit that it
accrues, not the good which it does either its owners or the public.
Present profit is valued higher than future need. We waste materials.
We refuse to make repairs. We cheat and deceive in manufacturing
goods. We have succumbed to an increased use of lying and
misrepresentation . . . I know the United States. It is my country and
the land of my fathers. It is still a land of magnificent
possibilities. It is still the home of noble souls and generous
people. But it is selling its birthright. It is betraying its might
destiny."[9]
Finally, Du Bois is relevant today for his vision of a multiracial
coalition to work vociferously for justice. In the midst of his
McCarthy persecution, his 1951 loyalty trial, Du Bois experienced the
generosity and goodwill of a multiracial, cross-class coalition of
comrades. As Gerald Horne suggests in his book Race Woman, Shirley
Graham Du Bois helped to usher in a wider coalition of comrades who
would maintain solidarity with the couple in the face of intense
federal scrutiny. In Du Bois's In Battle for Peace (1952), he wrote,
"I find, curiously enough then, that my experience in the fantastic
accusation and criminal process is tending to free me from that racial
provincialism which I always recognized but which I was sure would
eventually land me in an upper realm of cultural unity, led by 'My
People' . . . . I am free from jail today, not only by those efforts
of that smaller part of the Negro intelligentsia which has shared my
vision, but also by the steadily increasing help of Negro masses and
of whites who have risen above race prejudice not by philanthropy but
by brotherly and sympathetic sharing of the Negro's burden and
identification with it as part of their own . . . . I therefore thank
all Communists and Socialists who stood out for my right to advocate
peace, just as I thank all conservatives and liberals for daring to
stand for what they conceived to be right, despite the 'Red' smear. I
utterly refuse to be stampeded into opposition to my own program by
intimations of dire and hidden motives among those who offer me
support."[10]
These quotations taken from several of W. E. B. Du Bois's later works
document his analytically based international perspective, present his
cogent critiques of capitalism, and disclose his vision of multiracial
democratic solidarity. Despite the sobering and difficult
circumstances of Du Bois's closing years-not unlike our own times that
demand sober analysis and committed action-from Du Bois's later work
we can both recall his "legacy of scholarship and struggle" and
continue to benefit from his "legacy of scholarship and struggle" for
the days ahead.
Coda: Reading W. E. B. Du Bois
While Du Bois's full corpus deserves careful study, in this historical
moment the tremendous work he produced in his twilight years demands
our undivided attention. In the midst of a busy final three decades
narrated above, consider the roster of Du Bois's published books
during his latter decades. Keep in mind, Du Bois was in his late 60s
when he published Black Reconstruction in 1935 and 93 when he
published the third and final volume of the Black Flame trilogy. Two
posthumous books also reflect work completed during his later years.
W. E. B. Du Bois's Late Career Books
Black Reconstruction 1935
Black Folk Then and Now 1939
Dusk of Dawn 1940
Color and Democracy 1945
The World and Africa 1947
In Battle for Peace 1952
Ordeal of Mansart 1957
Mansart Builds a School 1959
Worlds of Color 1961
ABC of Color 1963, 1970
The Autobiography 1968
The immediate task for our own time is to continue to cultivate a
principled consciousness coupled with a critical perspective on
today's most vital issues. One way to achieve these goals is to engage
in perpetual historical study, investigation, and analysis of Du
Bois's writings. Secondary works are of tremendous value in narrating
the multiple contexts of Du Bois's later years-and the scholars noted
above have produced excellent work-but I also urge a close reading of
Du Bois's own words. In addition to the volumes listed above and
referenced in the footnotes, recent publications provide access to Du
Bois's global vision such as Bill V. Mullen and Cathryn Watson's, W.
E. B. Du Bois on Asia: Crossing the World Color Line (University Press
of Mississippi, 2005) and Eugene Provenzo and Edmund Abaka's W. E. B.
Du Bois on Africa (Left Coast Press, 2012). Two valid on-line
proletarian options, which I'd recommend to Du Bois students of all
ages and backgrounds, are Dr. Robert Williams's WEBDuBois.org.
Williams's site is the most up-to-date compendium of Du Bois on the
Internet. While the large majority of the site provides tremendous
material on the first half of Du Bois's life, Williams continues to
update links to the work of Du Bois's later career. Finally, thanks to
a number of timely grants and the heroic and painstaking work of
archivists, the digitization of Du Bois's Papers at the University of
Massachusetts Amherst will continue for many years to come. The
user-friendly Credo digital archive yields a tremendous amount about
Du Bois's twilight years, including a large collection of photographs
and rare video footage. Begin reading here.
I end this Coda with Du Bois's own words. I select a prayer that comes
from a series of meditations Du Bois wrote while teaching at Atlanta
University around 1910. As Herbert Aptheker explained in his
Introduction to the collection he edited and titled Prayers for Dark
People, these prayers resurfaced toward the end of Du Bois's earthly
sojourn in 1961 as Aptheker was editing Du Bois's enormous archive.
These prayers were not published until 1980, 17 years after Du Bois's
death. Timely when he first uttered them, timely when Aptheker
discovered them in 1961, Du Bois's mediation remains important today.
Grant us, O God, the vision and the will to be found on the right side
in the great battle for bread, which rages around us, in strike and
turmoil and litigation. Let us remember that here as so often
elsewhere no impossible wisdom is asked of men, only Thine ancient
sacrifice-to do justly and love mercy and walk humbly-to refuse to
use, of the world's goods, more than we earn, to be generous with
those that earn little and to avoid the vulgarity that flaunts wealth
and clothes and ribbons in the face of poverty. These things are the
sins that lie beneath our labor wars, and from such sins defend us, O
Lord. Amen. Micah 6:1-8.[11]
[1]Charles Euchener, Nobody Turn Me Around: A People's History of the
1963 March on Washington (Boston: Beacon, 2011), 182-184.
[2]John Oliver Killens, "Introduction," in W. E. B. Du Bois, An ABC of
Color (New York: International Publishers, 1968), 9-10.
[3]Books that effectively chronicle Du Bois's closing years include
Gerald Horne, Black and Red: W. E. B. Du Bois and the Afro-American
Response to the Cold War, 1944-1963 (Albany: State University of New
York Press, 1986), David Levering Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois: The Fight
for Equality and the American Century, 1919-1963 (New York: Henry
Holt, 2000), Manning Marable, W. E. B. Du Bois: Black Radical Democrat
(Boulder: Paradigm, 2005), Gerald Horne, W. E. B. Du Bois: A Biography
(Santa Barbara: Greenwood, 2010), Eric Porter, The Problem of the
Future World: W. E. B. Du Bois and the Race Concept at Midcentury
(Durham: Duke University Press, 2010), and Yuichiro Onishi,
Transpacific Antiracism: Afro-Asian Solidarity in 20th Century Black
America, Japan, and Okinawa (New York: New York University Press,
2013), 1-15, 54-93.
[4]W. E. B. Du Bois to Gus Hall (October 1, 1961), in W. E. B. Du
Bois, The Correspondence of W. E. B. Du Bois, Volume 3 Selections,
1944-1963, ed. Herbert Aptheker (Amherst: University of Massachusetts
Press, 1978), 438-440; Horne, W. E. B. Du Bois, 186-191; Horne, Black
and Red, 331-357; Henry Louis Gates, Jr., "W. E. B. Du Bois and the
Encyclopedia Africana," Annals of the American Academy of Political
and Social Science 568 (March 2000): 203-219; Jonathan Fenderson,
"Evolving Conceptions of Pan-African Scholarship: W. E. B. Du Bois,
Carter G. Woodson & the Encyclopedia Africana, 1909-1963," Journal of
African American History 35/1 (Winter 2010): 71-91; Yunxiang Gao, "W.
E. B. Du Bois and Shirley Graham Du Bois in Maoist China," Du Bois
Review 10/1 (2013): 59-85; Julius Lester, "Introduction," in W. E. B.
Du Bois, The Seventh Son: The Thoughts and Writings of W. E. B. Du
Bois, ed. Julius Lester (New York: Vintage Books, 1971), 1:147-152.
[5]See, for example, Bettina Aptheker, Intimate Politics: How I Grew
Up Red, Fought for Free Speech, and Became a Feminist Rebel
(Emeryville, CA: Seal Press, 2006), 93-94; Bettina Aptheker, "W. E. B.
Du Bois: Personal Stories/Political Reflections," 17th Annual Du Bois
Lecture (2011),
http://www.thewebduboiscenter.com/w-e-b-du-bois-center/events; Douglas
Robinson, "Du Bois 'Duplicity' Decried by Nixon," New York Times
(March 9, 1966),
http://www.nytimes.com/books/00/11/05/specials/dubois-nixon.html; Tim
Wheeler, "Du Bois Clubs Reunion: Memories, Battles Yet to Be Fought
and Won!," Peoples World (June 18, 2013),
http://peoplesworld.org/dubois-clubs-reunion-memories-battles-yet-to-be-fought-and-won/;
Amy Bass, Those About Him Remained Silent: The Fight Over W. E. B. Du
Bois (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2009).
[6]Martin Luther King, "Honoring Dr. Du Bois," in W. E. B. Du Bois, W.
E. B. Du Bois Speaks: Speeches and Addresses, 1890-1919, ed. Philip S.
Foner (New York: Pathfinder, 1970), 12-20; John Hope Franklin, "W. E.
B. Du Bois: A Personal Memoir," The Massachusetts Review 31/3 (Autumn
1990): 409-428.
[7]Keith Feldman, "A Haunting Echo: W. E. B. Du Bois in a Time of
Permanent War," Al Jazeera (February 10, 2013) available at
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2013/02/20132772031503974.html.
[8]W. E. B. Du Bois, In Battle for Peace, ed. Henry Louis Gates, Jr.
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2007 [1952]), 114-117.
[9]W. E. B. Du Bois, The Autobiography of W. E. B. Du Bois: A
Soliloquy on Viewing My Life from the Last Decade of Its First
Century, ed. Henry Louis Gates, Jr. (New York: Oxford University
Press, 2007 [1968]), 35, 273.
[10]Gerald Horne, Race Woman: The Lives of Shirley Graham Du Bois (New
York: New York University Press, 2000), 140-141; Du Bois, In Battle
for Peace, 107-108, 112.
[11]W. E. B. Du Bois, Prayers for Dark People, ed. Herbert Aptheker
(Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1980), 29.
*[Biographical note: Phillip Luke Sinitiere (Ph.D., University of
Houston) is Professor of History at the College of Biblical Studies. A
scholar with specialties in American religious history and African
American studies, he is co-author of Holy Mavericks: Evangelical
Innovators and the Spiritual Marketplace (NYU, 2009), and co-editor of
Protest and Propaganda: W. E. B. Du Bois, The Crisis, and American
History (Missouri, 2013) and Christians and the Color Line: Race and
Religion after Divided by Faith (Oxford, 2013).]
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