Monday, August 8, 2022
[CrashList] Tactics 2001
Charles Brown Fri, 26 Jan 2001 07:26:18 -0800
The Trajectory Of Change
By Michael Albert
I think we have a problem. From Seattle through Prague
and San Francisco, we have established an activist style
needing some mid-course correction.
What's the problem, you might ask? Thousands of
militant, courageous people are turning out in city
after city. Didn't Prague terminate a day early? Aren't
the minions of money on the run? Isn't the horrible
impact of the WTO, IMF, and World Bank revealed for all
to see?
Absolutely, but our goal isn't only to make a lot of
noise, to be visible, or courageous, nor even to scare
some of capitalism's most evil administrators into
shortening their gatherings. Our goal is to win changes
improving millions of lives. What matters isn't only
what we are now achieving, but where we are going. To
win "non-reformist reforms" advancing comprehensive
justice requires strategic thinking.
But isn't that what's been happening? Aren't we
strategizing about these big events and implementing our
plans despite opposition?
Yes, but to end the IMF and World Bank now, and win new
institutions in the long-term, we need ever-enlarging
numbers of supporters with ever-growing political
comprehension and commitment, able to creatively employ
multiple tactics eliciting still further participation
and simultaneously raising immediate social costs that
elites can't bear, and to which they give in. That is
dissent's logic: Raise ever-enlarging threats to agendas
that elites hold dear by growing in size and
diversifying in focus and tactics until they meet our
demands, and then go for more.
>From Seattle on, if we were effectively enacting this
logic, steadily more people and ever-wider
constituencies would be joining our anti-globalization
(and other) movements. Our activities should have
continued to highlight large events when doing so was
appropriate and useful for growing our movements, but
they would also emphasize more regional and local
organizing, in smaller cities and towns and directed
more locally, reaching people unable to travel around
the world to LA or Prague or wherever. There are folks
working on all this, to be sure but they need more help,
and these trends need greater respect and support.
Why aren't our numbers growing as much as we'd like? Why
aren't new constituencies joining the mix as fast as we
would like? Why aren't the venues of activism
diversifying more quickly to local sites and gatherings?
Part of the answer involves no criticism of our efforts.
Progress, after all, takes time. Movement building is
not easy. Another part of the answer, complimentar, is
to note that in fact there is some rapid growth * for
example, the proliferation of IndyMedia projects
providing alternative local news and analysis. Indymedia
operations and sites now interactively span nearly 30
cities in 10 countries, a virtually unprecedented
achievement. But IndyMedia growth occurs by refining the
involvement of those who are already largely committed.
Of course that's not bad. It's wonderful. But it is
internal solidification, not outward enlargement.
Similarly, the preparation, creativity, knowledge, and
courage of those who have been demonstrating are all
impressive and growing. But this too occurs not based on
outreach, but by manifesting steadily increasing
insights and connections among those already involved.
Let me try an admittedly stretched but Olympic analogy
to illustrate my point. Imagine a marathon race. As
thousands of runners burst out at the starti, folks are
bunched in a huge moving mass. Yet however entwined at
the outset, everyone competes. These faster runners want
to escape the impact of the huge mass. They break off
and speed up. In time, inside this fast group too, there
is uneven development. Some runners are having a better
day, for whatever reasons. Before long, they want to
open a second gap, now between themselves and the
leading group they have been part of, and to extend that
gap sufficiently so those left behind lose momentum for
want of connection with the inspiring faster runners,
just as had been done to the massive pack, earlier.
Eventually, it happens yet again, with the few who will
compete down the stretch breaking away from the already
tiny lead pack.
Like a marathon, movement struggle goes a long distance,
requires endurance, and has to overcome obstacles. A big
population is involved and we would like to succeed as
quick as possible. Speed of attaining our ultimate ends
matters greatly and even reaching secondary aims like
ending a war, ending the IMF, raising wages, or winning
a shorter work day is better quicker than slower. But
still, winning social change is not like a typical race,
or shouldn't be, because the winning logic isn't for
those who develop unequally and are "faster" to leave
the slower pack behind and cross a finish line first.
The only way to win the "social change race" is for the
whole pack to cross together, as fast as it can be
induced to go. The fastest and otherwise best activists
need to stay with the pack to increase its speed, not to
go as fast as they can irrespective of the pack, or even
slowing it. A little spread between the more advanced
and the rest, in the form of exemplary activity, may be
excellent, but not too great a spread.
So here is our current problem as I see it. There is a
partial disconnection between many of our most informed
activists, and the bulk of people who are dissatisfied
with the status quo but inactive or just beginning to
become active. And this disconnection induces some to
become highly involved and to interact fantastically
well with one another, even having their own supportive
subculture, but to lose touch with others who become
long distance spectators, watching the action, or
detached from it entirely. I speak every so often at
college campuses and there this division is perhaps
easiest to see. The activists look entirely different,
have different tastes and preferences, talk different,
and are largely insulated rather than immersed in the
larger population beyond. The situation exists in
communities as well.
Lots of factors contribute, of course. None are easy to
precisely identify much less correct. Still, one that is
relevant here is that over the months since Seattle
dissent has come to mean for many looking on, traveling
long distances, staying in difficult circumstances,
taking to the streets in militant actions involving
civil disobedience and possibly more aggressive tactics,
and finally risking arrest and severe mistreatment.
This is a lot to ask of people at any time, much less at
their first entry to activism. For example, how many of
those now participating in events like LA and Prague
would have done so if it wasn't the culmination of a
steady process of enlarging their involvement, but
instead they had to jump from total non-involvement to
their current level of activity in one swoop? Consider
people who are in their thirties or older, and who
therefore often have pressing family responsibilities.
Consider people who hold jobs and need to keep them for
fear of disastrous consequences for themselves and the
people they love. How many such folks are likely to join
a demo with this type aura about it as their initial
steps in becoming active * a demo seeming to demand
great mobility and involving high risks?
The irony in all this is that the efficacy of civil
disobedience and other militant tactics is not something
cosmic or a priori. It resides, instead, in the
connection between such militant practices and a growing
movement of dissidents, many not in position to join
such tactics, but certainly supportive of their logic
and moving in that direction. What gives civil
disobedience and other militant manifestations the power
to force elites to submit to our demands is the fear
that such events forebode a threatening firestorm. But
if there is a 2,000 or even a 10,000 person sit-in, even
repeatedly, but with no larger, visible, supporting
dissident community from which the ranks of those
sitting-in will be replenished and even grow, then there
is no serious threat of a firestorm.
In other words, dissent that appears to have reached a
plateau, regardless of how high that plateau is, has no
forward trajectory and is therefore manageable. Plateau-
ed dissent is an annoyance that the state can control
with clean-up crews or repression.
In contrast, growing dissent that displays a capacity to
keep growing, even when much smaller, is more
threatening and thus more powerful. Civil disobedience
involving a few thousand people, with ten or twenty
times as many at associated massive rallies and marches
all going back to organize local events that are still
larger, gives elites a very dangerous situation to
address. Through personal encounters, print, audio, and
video messaging, teach-ins, rallies, and marches, folks
are moving from lack of knowledge to more knowledge and
from rejecting demonstrating to supporting and when
circumstances permit joining it. A huge and growing mass
of dissident humanity restricts government options for
dealing with the most militant disobedience. This is not
a plateau of dissent for elites to easily manage or
repress, but a trajectory of forward-moving growth that
elites must worry about.
It follows, however, that if the state can create an
image in which the only people who should come out to
demonstrate are those who are already eager or at least
prepared to deal with gas, clubs, and "extended
vacations," then at the demos we are not going to find
parents with their young babies in strollers, elderly
folks whose eyes and bones couldn't take running through
gas, young adults kept away from danger by their parents
concerned for their well being, or average working
people of all kinds unable to risk an unpredictable time
away from work. Add to this mix insufficient means to
manifest one's concerns and develop one's views and
allegiance locally, and the movement is pushed into a
plateau condition.
The problem we have, therefore, is an operational
disconnect between the movement and certain types of
organizing, and therefore between the movement and the
uninvolved but potentially receptive public. I know this
assessment, even moderated by recognition of all that
has been accomplished and recognizing that there are
even energies directed at these very problems, will
sound harsh to many folks, but even with the many
exemplary exceptions, it is important to acknowledge
that these matters need more attention.
Consider but one example. The internet is a powerful
tool, useful in many ways to our work. But with the
internet, mostly we are communicating with folks who
want to hear what we have to say. They come to our sites
and participate in our lists because they are already
part of the movement. How else would they know where to
find us? This is similar to what occurs with a print
periodical or radio show that we might have in our
arsenal of left institutions. Only those who subscribe
or to listen almost always because they already know
that they want to hear what we have to say, hear our
message. Don't get me wrong. This is good, for sure?and
I have spent a lot of my life working on such efforts
which I feel are part and parcel of advancing our own
awareness, insights, solidarity, and commitment, and of
refining our methods and agendas, tooling and retooling
ourselves for the tasks at hand. The trouble is,
returning to the earlier analogy, if done without
prioritizing other more face to face and public
activity, it can lead to us becoming a breakaway,
intentionally or not, and thereby largely leaving behind
the constituencies we need to communicate with.
Another different kind of organizing is explicit
outreach, aimed not at solidifying and intensifying the
knowledge and commitment of those who already speak our
language and share our agendas, but at reaching people
who differ with us. This is what is going on when we
hand out leaflets or do agitprop and guerilla theatre in
public places. It is what happens when we hold public
rallies or teach-ins and we don't only email those eager
to come, but, in addition and as our main priority, we
go door to door in our neighborhoods or on our campuses,
urging, cajoling, inducing, and even pressuring folks to
come to the events. This face-to-face interaction with
people who aren't agreeing with us already, or who even
disagree strongly with us, is at the heart of movement
building. It is harder and scarier than communicating
with those who share our views, of course, but it is
even more important to do.
To the extent outreach is going to touch, entice, and
retain new people in our movements, it has to offer them
ways to maintain contact and thereby sustain and grow
their initial interest. If the end point of a face-to-
face conversation about the IMF, for example, is that we
urge someone to travel 500 or 1000 or 5000 miles to a
demonstration, sleep on a floor or not sleep at all, and
take to the streets in a setting where, whether it is
warranted or not, they expect to be gassed and face
arrest and extended detention keeping them away from
kids and jobs, few if any newcomers are going to jump
in. But, absent continuing involvement, with nothing
obvious and meaningful to do, there is no way to retain
contact to the committed activist community that has
piqued their dissident interest. As a result, their
anger will most likely dissipate in the fog imposed by
daily life and mainstream media. Thus, without
mechanisms to preserve and enforce its initial impact,
outreach to new folks won't take hold. We plan the next
demo, go to it, and celebrate with the same crowd as at
the last demo.
I think this picture, with many variations, broadly
describes a major problem that prevents our efforts--as
fantastically impressive as they have been?from being
not just impressive, but overwhelmingly powerful and
victorious. So I think more attention has to go to
expanding and refining our agendas, not to eliminate our
more militant tactics * not at all * but to give them
greater meaning and strength by incorporating much more
outreach, many more events and activities that have more
diverse and introductory levels of participation, and
also more local means for on-going involvement by people
just getting interested, all still tied, of course, to
the over-arching national and global movements for
change.
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