Dialectic of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics <



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Notice that in their program in The Manifesto of the Communist Party Engels and Marx limit their suggested socialist state-dictatorship of the proletariat to application to “advanced “ countries . This is because Marxist socialism is a sublation of capitalism, preserving critically advanced forces of production for the new socialist society to provide materially for the masses ; socially produce like capitalism more than previous modes of production, but distribute the wealth _socially_ not privately.



China at the time of its revolution was very not advanced with very little capitalism; it had less capitalism than Russia at the time of its revolution. Marxist socialism does not come from feudal or quasi-feudal modes of production. It comes from the capitalist mode China tried to find a Road to Socialism bypassing capitalism. This experiment failed , and as true scientists, the Chinese Marxist Party accepted the truth and set out to get Capital from which there is a road to socialism. And they got it ! From the Imperialists. Deng was an arch-brilliant, creative Marxist-Leninist; and from retirement; of course he was in a culture which values filial piety .


In The Manifesto of the Communist Party , Engels and Marxists do not envision the end of all capitalist private enterprises in the first phase of socialism. Only the banks are memtioned as being taken over but more strictly regulated than before the revolution :


These measures will, of course, be different in different countries.


Nevertheless, in most advanced countries, the following will be pretty generally applicable.


1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes.


2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.


3. Abolition of all rights of inheritance.


4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.


5. Centralisation of credit in the hands of the state, by means of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.


6. Centralisation of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the State.



7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.


8. Equal liability of all to work. Establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture. <



9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of all the distinction between town and country by a more equable distribution of the populace over the country.


10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of children’s factory labour in its present form. Combination of education with industrial production, &c, &c.


Socialism with Chinese characteristics

Patrick , There’s no road to socialism bypassing capitalism. China learned that’s from practice, trial and error . It’s even a lesson from the history of the op Soviet Union to a certain extent . It’s especially true with imperialism still in existence, because imperialism will invade your country and murder tens of millions to keep you from expropriating them . Evidently, many African governments understand this .


The struggle continues; more victories are certain.


Charles


https://youtu.be/ZuBCr_15BIk<


Affirmative Action in China : Leo : ”Of course there are Han assholes. Of course bigotry, ethnocentricity, xenophobia, discrimination against minorities, and racism exists in China, as they do everywhere. But the difference is that the PRC is ruled by a resolutely anti-racist communist party. After victory, the Communist Party reversed the Han-chauvinist policies of the Nationalist Party which ordained that anyone living within national borders should be assimilated to Han culture. How ever, because Han chauvinist and prejudiced attitudes still exist, as well as many cases of discrimination, the CPC has implemented anti-chauvinist policies which suppressing Han-supremacy, protect ethnic minority cultures and identities, and promotes the economic empowerment of minorities. These are so comprehensive and far-reaching that affirmative action policies in the West are trifling in comparison: — Ethnic minorities have always been exempt from the “1-Child” policy, which was only applied to the ethnic majority of Han people. This is the major reason for Uyghur population having grown at a pace 12 X faster than that of Han in the past 70 years. — Local governments of ethnic minority regions are all headed by members of the ethnic minority group, without exception. — Free elementary, middle and high-school-level boarding schools and special college-preparatory classes for minority children. — Minority children can get into a university with exam scores 20 to 30 points below the minimum score for Han children. — A separate network of universities exists only for minority students. Similar to HBCUs in the US, but better. — No-interest loans are offered for small minority businesses. — Businesses are officially encouraged to hire minorities. — A comprehensive, bilingual-education program aims at helping minorities learn both their own languages as well as Mandarin. Meanwhile, scholars are creating alphabets for minority languages that had no writing systems to help ensure that these languages do not die. — Han people living in ethnic minority regions are required to learn the minority languages. For example, Han living in Tibet are required to learn Tibetan. 【🇨🇳 壮族 Zhuang ethnic】 Mostly live in the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region in Southern China. Their language is Zhuang, which belongs to the Zhuang-Dai branch of the Zhuang-Dong family of the Sino-Tibetan language family. Some also live in the Yunnan, Guangdong, Guizhou and Hunan provinces. They form one of the 56 ethnic groups officially recognized by the People's Republic of China. Their population, estimated at 18 million people, makes them the largest minority in China. #China #China中國 #chinese https://socialistchina.org/2021/09/26/roland-boer-we-need-to-talk-more-about-chinas-socialist-democracy/ We are pleased to publish this original article by Roland Boer (Professor of Marxist Philosophy at Dalian University of Technology, China, and author of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics: A Guide for Foreigners (Springer, 2021)). The article provides the reader with a very valuable introduction to China’s socialist democratic system, a topic about which there is widespread ignorance in the West. Este artículo se ha traducido en español. We need to talk more – much more – about China’s socialist democratic system. Why? There are many reasons, but the main reason is that we should not let the criticisms of China from the small number of “Western” countries set the agenda. So let me propose the following thesis: China’s socialist democratic system is already quite mature and superior to any other democratic system. Actually, this is not my proposition, but that of a host of Chinese specialists. They are very clear that China’s socialist democratic system is already showing its latent quality. Obviously, we need to know much more about how this system works and how it is constantly improving. What China Learned From US Capitalism's Development by Richard D Wolff https://independentmediainstitute.org/economy-for-all/ (November 19 2021) https://www.counterpunch.org (November 23 2021) https://www.counterpunch.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/2880px-Pudong_Shanghai_November_2017_panorama-1200x600.jpg Photograph Source: King of Hearts - CC BY-SA 4.0 {1} US capitalism was, in certain ways, the world's most successful capitalism until recently. Better than the capitalist systems of Britain, Germany, and Japan, US capitalism avoided two key traps. First, it found a remarkable way to manage the capitalist-worker class struggle for a long time before it lost that capacity. The United States also found a way to organize its imperial rule without the overt colonialism that provoked rising resistance that eventually became too costly and unmanageable for Britain, Germany, Japan, and other colonial powers. But in recent decades, US capitalism failed to manage its class struggles or to reverse the decline in its informal imperialism. Chinese leaders have learned, implicitly or explicitly, from how US capitalism lost those capacities. Thus, China organized both its employer-employee relationships and its international linkages differently. By doing so, the Chinese economy is ascending while that of the United States is descending. The process is, of course, uneven; the differences between the United States and China vary. But the general pattern and direction remain the same: China up and the United States down. From 1820 to the 1970s, US capitalism employed a fast-growing number of workers and paid them a real wage that grew every decade until the 1970s. That remarkable performance enabled, validated, and combined with a culture that emphasized consumption (the positive) as the compensation for labor (the negative). The combination blunted the appeals of dissidents, radicals, socialists, and other critics of capitalism until the 1930s. Productivity grew across the 150 years even faster than real wages and boosted profits rapidly. The United States outperformed other capitalisms in both the profits accruing to the employer class and the real wages flowing to the employee class. The 1929 stock market crash and the 1930s Great Depression were the exceptions that proved the rule. US capitalism then broke down, as did its promises of prosperity and growth. Fearful of a collapse, the US employer class - via former US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's Democratic Party - offered a deal, which was an alliance of sorts to the employee class. The deal was brokered by capitalism's leading critics then: the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) plus two socialist and one communist party. Together, employers and employees produced the New Deal, and a political lurch to the left undid a good part of the economic inequalities built up in the United States before 1929. It was a "great reset" that, with World War Two, enabled a resumed upward arc of US capitalism. Moreover, that arc took on an added imperial dimension when World War Two undermined the old formal colonial empires, allowing the US state to move quickly to replace them informally. But the US employer class made a huge strategic blunder after the end of the Roosevelt era and World War Two. It failed to recognize how the left's strength in the 1930s had inadvertently saved US capitalism via the "great reset". The New Deal was in large part a "trickle-up" Keynesian stimulus, unlike the traditional "trickle-down" economic policies of US governments, past and present. It brought the United States out of the Great Depression while reducing income and wealth inequality unlike the decades before and after. But blinded by the fear of and rage at paying taxes to fund the New Deal and other similar reforms, the rise of a strong US left, and World War Two's US alliance with the USSR, the employer class determined to roll all that back after 1945. Chiefly via its Republican Party wing, the employer class set itself the task of undoing the New Deal by destroying the coalition that created it (CIO plus socialists and communists). The employer class successfully wrecked that coalition and each of its components. However, that wreckage also reoriented US capitalism onto a trajectory that ended its 150 years of ascendancy. By the 1970s, the reset stalled. US employers had so vanquished labor and the left that they indulged opportunities to enhance profits without fear of or even much concern about employee reactions. Many US employers relocated their production abroad where wages were far lower, making the US companies' profits much higher. Many more employers in the United States undertook rapid automation. New immigration policies were waved in. Good proletarian jobs gave way to the precariat that today's younger generations take bitterly for granted. Instead of real wage gains across every decade from 1820 to 1970, the last 50 years saw real wages stagnate alongside deepening household debt. Thus, the 21st century's cycles have been progressively larger and harsher, rivaling that of the 1930s. Yet no comparable political left shift has occurred, no revival of a movement yet along the lines of the New Deal Coalition. This time, a deep crisis yields no massive "trickle-up" policy component. Income and wealth inequalities continue to worsen. No left-led reset is occurring to save US capitalism from sinking into ever deeper economic, social, and cultural conflicts. Meanwhile, many policymakers in China have drawn lessons from the US experience: which policies to replicate and which policies to discard. China saw that US capitalists had often worked closely with the US state successfully to undertake major projects by coordinating and mobilizing public and private resources. These included fighting a century of wars to subordinate, evict, or exterminate the Indigenous population, waging wars of independence from Britain in 1776 and 1812, ending a competitive slave economy in the US South via civil war, undertaking infrastructure capitalists needed to grow (such as canals and railroads), advancing US capitalists' interests in and the subsequent recoveries after World Wars One and Two, and replacing the old colonialism systems after 1945 and substituting US global military, economic, and political dominanc <



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